Patterns of Intention: Royal chapels in the crown of泭Aragon (fourteenth and fifteenth centuries) and the Capilla de los Reyes泭in the convent of Saint Dominic, Valencia[1]
The British Library collections include an exceptional manuscript illuminated in Valencia for Alfonso V, King of Aragon, Sicily and Naples.[2]泭This lavish book of prayers, or psalter and hours, copied and illuminated in Valencia by Leonard Cresp穩 and other artists between 1436 and 1443, was soon sent to Naples, where the king had established his court, although it was probably conceived for use in Valencia. A significant number of the miniatures illustrate royal devotion in various settings, ranging from grand chapels to private oratories or even what appears to be a royal chamber (Fig. 5.1). Despite efforts to identify such settings with the halls, rooms and royal chapel in the Palau del Real in Valencia, inevitably there has been confusion, since this royal residence was demolished during the Peninsular War in 1810.[3]泭We can, however, consider one well-known and exceptionally well-preserved building, commissioned by the king himself, and (re)consider its possible function(s), or, in Baxandalls terms, assess the intentions behind its founding. I refer to the exceptional chapel, famous for its tenebrous grey diamond vaults, that was built within the convent of Saint Dominic in Valencia between 1439 and 1463 (Fig. 5.2). According to Francisco Salas unpublished history composed in 1608, the capilla de los Reyes (Kings Chapel) was designed to be the burial place of Alfonso V and his wife, Maria of Castile, but there is no earlier evidence for this.[4]泭Moreover, Sala was drawing on oral sources rather than documents, in the context of the transfer of Alfonsos body from Naples to the kings final resting place in the Aragonese royal pantheon in the monastery of Poblet.[5]泭When Emperor Charles V, heir of the kings of Aragon, donated 喧堯梗泭ius sepelendi泭of the Valencian chapel to Menc穩a de Mendoza and her parents, the Marquises of Zenete, he referred to it as a royal chapel which is founded under the invocation of the three kings.[6]
It was a royal chapel indeed. Founded by the king in 1437, it belonged to a tradition of places of worship associated with royal residences in different cities in the Crown of Aragon, an entity composed by three kingdoms and a principality that were united only by the rule of a single dynasty. In an age of itinerant kingship, it was imperative to display magnificence, not only through palaces and residences, but also through chapels, cathedrals, monasteries and oratories. These religious spaces functioned as stages of royal piety, underscoring the kings special relationship with the sacred in a context of rivalry with other Iberian and European monarchies.[7]
From 1277, the court moved from kingdom to kingdom, transporting the royal chapel from one residence to another.[8]泭But a substantial change took place during the reign of Peter IV (13361387), when the king decided to establish chapels endowed with a set of images and liturgical objects in every major royal residence. In addition, ceremonies had to be performed in the same way in every kingdom, according to 喧堯梗泭Ordinacions de Cort泭or Court Ordinances, a ceremonial established by Peter IV, closely following the precedent of 喧堯梗泭Leges Palatinae泭of the kingdom of Majorca (1337).[9]泭As a result of these decisions, a cohesive image of monarchic piety took shape through ceremonies and the appearance of high altars, as well as through the number of priests and acolytes celebrating the Divine Office in the royal chapels. These included Zaragoza and Huesca in Aragon, Valencia (Palau del Real), and Barcelona and Lleida in Catalonia, though the Almudaina Palace in Majorca and the Castle of Perpignan were soon added to this list, following the annexation of this independent kingdom.[10]泭One of the principal ceremonies was the veneration and display of the royal reliquary, sumptuously furnished and exhibited with a silver altarpiece in the chapel, and attended by the king on special occasions.[11]
These architectural settings should be analysed in terms of local traditions, international models from other courts, and occasional innovationsalbeit within tight constraints.[12]泭The chapel was only one part of a castle or palace, built in a long process of consecutive interventions by several members of the dynasty or inherited from former owners, as in the case of the Palace of the Kings of Majorca in Perpignan, dating from the early fourteenth century, or the chapel of Castel Nuovo in Naples, the only part of the Angevin residence to be carefully preserved by Alfonso in the extensive reconstruction of the fortress in the mid-fifteenth century.[13]泭This local tradition and sense of place were sometimes overwhelming, as in the case of Palermos Cappella Palatina,泭an extraordinary chapel that was lavishly decorated with mosaics and a sophisticated泭muqarnas泭ceiling, surely regarded as an intangible legacy of those kings of Aragon who had previously been kings of Sicily, such as James II or Martin I.[14]泭It has also been suggested that Barcelona Cathedral may have been conceived as a palatine and episcopal church. Although this project was eventually frustrated, it would nevertheless explain some unusual features of this building, such as its western tribune, which offers an uninterrupted view of the crypt of Saint Eulalia.[15]
Given their strong diplomatic and cultural relations, it is almost certain that the kings of Aragon kept an eye on other royal chapels in the neighbouring kingdoms of Castile, Navarre, Portugal and particularly France.[16]泭Cultural exchange between Paris and the court of Aragon intensified during Peter IVs reign due to the successive marriages of his son and successor, future King Juan I with two French princesses (Mata of Armagnac and Violant of Bar, niece of Jean de Berry).[17]泭The French model of the Sainte-Chapelle was not overlooked when the monarchs of Aragon erected a royal chapel based on relic worship in the fourteenth century: we know that in 1398 Martin I asked Charles VI for detailed information about rites and customs in Paris, so that they could be observed in Barcelona.[18]泭A copy of the service of the relics has been linked to the chapel in Barcelona; dating from circa 140010 and of Spanish origin, it is now in the Biblioth癡que nationale de France in Paris.[19]泭The kings of Aragon were following the example of French princes and aristocrats close to the Valois dynasty, who founded royal chapels similar to the Parisian Sainte-Chapelle in a fashion characterised by relic worship and a significant connection to the royal sanctity of Saint Louis.[20]泭In this way, they distinguished themselves from their counterparts in Castile, where the court chapel was itinerant and oriented towards ordinary cult in 喧堯梗泭palatium, while royal chapels in cathedrals or monasteries were devoted to funerary rituals and dynastic commemoration. Moreover, in the royal pantheons in cathedrals such as Toledo and C籀rdoba, interference by bishops and chapters in the sculptural decoration and architectural setting could not be avoided.[21]
Different patterns of intention can be suggested for other initiatives, such as the construction after 1302 of the royal chapel in the palace in Barcelona by architect Bertran Riquer, in accordance with the will of James II (Fig. 5.3). It has been convincingly argued that the choice of a painted wooden ceiling on diaphragm arches in this oratory was linked to the Franciscan spiritual movement and the ideas conveyed by authors such as Arnau de Vilanova (ca. 12401311). More specifically, these values were visualised in the ceremony of泭Mandatum泭on Maundy Thursday, when the king washed the feet of twelve poor men to commemorate the actions of Jesus Christ and his disciples before the Last Supper.[22]泭This custom was ritualised by subsequent members of the dynasty but found its most suitable setting in the royal chapel of the palace in Barcelona.
The tradition of having a royal residence within abbeys and convents prompted the creation of oratories or chapels for royal services.[23]泭Given that Martin I built a royal residence in Poblet, the chapel of Saint Martin in the former Carthusian monastery of Valldecrist (Altura, Castell籀n) might well be explained by the kings devotion to relics and his original intention to participate in monastic life there. Pope Benedict XIII granted indulgences to those who attended the display of the relics in Valldecrist (1413).[24]泭This chapel with a crypt was covered by an innovative Gothic timbrel vault consisting of two layers of intersecting bricks forming a kind of shell. It was built by Pere Balaguer and consecrated in 1401, and it provided an oratory for the king and for Queen Maria de Luna close to their lodging in the monastery; the crypt may have been a burial place serving as an alternative to the royal pantheon in the Cistercian abbey of Poblet (Fig. 5.4).[25]
As these examples show, we should not examine royal chapels from a strictly formal standpoint, and we must certainly not consider their condition stable, even though ceremonies were ritualised and dynastic continuity was reinforced in these places of magnificence and royal piety. Despite the efforts of Peter IV to enforce homogeneous decoration in his kingdoms royal chapels through the appointment of painters such as Ferrer Bassa and Ramon Destorrents and goldsmiths like Pere Bern矇s, there were a variety of altarpieces which could be silver-gilt or painted and, on occasion, even included sculpted images. Reliquaries were no less varied in terms of form and material; the only requirement was that their contents be visible. The mobility of the court was a common trend that demanded frequent travelling with the royal chapel, but even if a long stay took place in one palace, the liturgical calendar prompted changes in the staging of its chapel. This staging included the altarpiece and the furnishings that displayed the relics, as described by messengers from Barcelona who visited the palatine chapel of Naples Castel Nuovo on the Feast of Saint Eulalia in 1452.[26]
To unpick those patterns of intention that reveal royal ideals and forms of devotion, it is essential to examine closely the Aragonese kings various initiatives regarding the spaces and functions of their royal chapels. First and foremost, ceremonies had to be adapted to different spaces: even though it was very common to have two chapels in royal residences (one for the king, one for the queen), it was not necessarily so if the queen had her own palace, as was the case in Barcelona.[27]泭Some queens even managed to introduce more intimate places of prayer: Maria of Navarre, Eleanor of Sicily and Maria de Luna did precisely this in the royal chapel in Barcelona (Fig. 5.5).[28]
By the mid-fourteenth century, 喧堯梗泭Ordinacions de Cort泭had defined a calendar of ceremonies and liturgical endowments, but this text pays no attention to architectural setting. However, a gallery or platform is a common feature in most of the chapels, including that of Santa gata (formerly devoted to Saint Mary) in Barcelona and the one built by Peter IV in Lleida Castle.[29]泭Both were probably linked to relic worship, and to the need to see the high altar and highlight royal presence in the chapel while keeping the monarch separate. We even know that raised platforms or balconies were built onto royal apartments to overlook the church, as was done for Martin I in Poblet. The king requested a similar structure to attend services at the Carthusian monastery of Valldecrist in 1406.[30]泭The introduction of new forms of devotion was an essential prompt for the construction of such oratories, described by Francesc Eiximenis as a little house where they can pray almost in secret.[31]泭Much more private than a royal tribune, these oratories can be connected to such texts as 喧堯梗泭Quarentena de contemplaci籀泭by Joan Eximeno or others by authors such as Eiximenis who exerted a great influence at court.[32]
Both kings and queens nonetheless established chapels, oratories and chambers in monasteries and convents in the Crown of Aragon, sometimes as part of a project including a pantheon, church and royal residence. That is certainly the case with Santes Creus and Poblet, the two Cistercian monasteries in Catalonia. It was almost mandatory to entrust worship in a royal chapel to a religious community, since they offered continuity and vigour in Divine Office prayers.[33]泭Martin I chose the Celestines for the royal chapel in the palace of Barcelona, erected on the precedent of the Sainte-Chapelle, though he had also established oratories in the very same royal palace (the Chapel of Saint Michael) and in Barcelona Cathedral.[34]
The Capilla de Los Reyes (Kings Chapel) in the Convent of Saint Dominic, Valencia
Alfonso V (13961458), the second king from the House of Trast獺mara to occupy the throne of Aragon, modified the traditions of his predecessors. Having transferred the royal chapel in the palace of Barcelona to the Mercedarian friars in 1423, he eventually abandoned Martin Is project in that city and ordered that the reliquary, augmented by Martin I not long before, be moved to Valencia.[35]泭Several reasons may explain this change in favour of Valencia. First, the city, which had been emerging since the late fourteenth century as one of the capitals of the Crown of Aragon, supported Alfonsos ambitions to conquer the kingdom of Naples, and defended his family interests in neighbouring Castile by offering financial contributions to both initiatives.[36]泭Meanwhile, the king himself ordered an extensive programme of work on his residence, the Palau del Real, and was arguably flattered by the citys efforts to welcome him as a prince in 1414, to celebrate his marriage to Princess Maria of Castile the year after, and, finally, to commemorate his royal entry in 1424.[37]泭The Aragonese courts temporary stay in Valencia, improvements to the Palau del Real,泭and the commissioning of Valencian artists and architects further strengthened the kings relationship with the city.[38]
Did Alfonso V always intend to transfer the royal chapel (and relics) from Barcelona to the new chapel in the Convent of Saint Dominic in Valencia, as Francesca Espa簽ol wondered some years ago? Or is it the case, as is more commonly believed, that the relics ended up there because they were offered as security for a loan to Alfonso V from the cathedrals treasury in 1437?[39]泭This possibility is further explored below, as it offers meaningful insights into the type, functions and particular features of the chapel in the convent of Saint Dominic (Fig. 5.6).
Built between 1439 and 1463 by architect Francesc Baldomar, the chapel still makes a powerful statement within the convent of Saint Dominic, thanks to its external grey wall with Alfonsos heraldry on Plaza de Predicadores.[40]泭Its monumental presence is, however, only completely revealed when the rectangular space (eleven by twenty-two metres inside) is entered, with walls two and a half metres thick, covered with a diamond vault made up of two rectangular bays with a pointed groin vault, with lunettes and another bay that creates the effect of a semi-octagonal apse on the western side, with pointed squinches in the corners (Fig. 5.7).[41]泭The bricks and mortar used in central European diamond vaults were rarely used in Valencian vaults in this period, but the grey limestone chosen for royal chapel was equally unusual.[42]泭It was brought directly from the Sagunto quarries, about twenty-five kilometres away, whereas most Valencian Gothic buildings used local white limestone from Godella; the latter was more convenient as it is was both nearer and suitable for stonecutting.[43]泭The records of work on the chapel mention frequent sharpening of tools, probably due to the hardness of the grey limestone. One reason to employ this hard, dark grey stone could be its prestige, which derived from its use in ancient monuments in the region and its provenance from泭Saguntum泭with its Roman ruins and theatre.[44]
The choice of the grey stone, the location of the chapel near the main access to the church of the Predicadores and the presence of two niches at each side of the nave have all been explained as a consequence of its funerary function.[45]泭Valencian citizens and noble families were enthusiastic patrons of the Dominican convent, making it their preferred burial location, and the monarchy had protected the friars since the Christian conquest in 1238.[46]
Less attention has been paid to other intriguing features, such as the presence of one opening high on the south side, close to the apse at the west end; a chamber covered with an irregular groin vault, thought to be a sacristy behind the semi-octagonal apse; and two intertwined spiral staircases, one reaching a terrace with a small well in the centre (a type known as泭caracol de Mallorca), the second connected to an opening in the centre of the apse. A pulpit and a narrow staircase have been excavated out of the northern wall. What is certainly beyond any doubt is the royal patronage of the chapel, even if it is not recorded in written sources: the heraldry of the kingdoms of Aragon, Sicily and Naples is proudly exhibited above the main entrance from the convent atrium (Fig. 5.8).
The origins and construction of the chapel can be followed from the accounts in the Archivo del Reino de Valencia.[47]泭In these and other associated records, there is no mention of the chapels funerary use: it is always referred to as the capilla de los Reyes or the chapel ordered to be built by King Alfonso. The only reference to the niches is to 喧堯梗泭retret del senyor rey泭and泭retret de la senyora reyna, using a Catalan term roughly equivalent to the French泭retrait, which refers to small niches in the wall to be occupied by the king and the queen, as the heraldry once again confirms. In 1443 five chaplaincies were each endowed with one thousand泭sous泭a year to celebrate Masses for the king.[48]泭When concealed with curtains, the niches probably looked similar to the famous miniature depicting Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy, at prayer inside an oratory while attending Mass.[49]
Comparison with other funerary chapels and royal pantheons in the Crowns of Aragon (Poblet, Santes Creus) and Castile (Miraflores, royal chapels in Sevilla, C籀rdoba and Toledo) raises questions about the location of the tombsif they were really intended for the Valencian chapeland their relationship to 喧堯梗泭retrets.[50]泭It is hard to imagine that the royal sepulchres were to be placed in 喧堯梗泭retrets, leaving almost the whole width of the chapel free: it is more likely that they were intended for the centre of the chapel. Both niches remained empty anyway, since Alfonso was buried in Naples until his corpse was transferred to Poblet in 1671 (by order of the Spanish viceroy of Naples, Peter Antonio de Arag籀n), while Maria of Castile founded a convent of Poor Clares in Valencia where she chose to be buried in a tomb without an effigy, decorated only with personal heraldry.[51]泭Not even King Juan II made use of this extraordinary shrine, even though he took on responsibility for finishing the chapel, and commissioned the painter Joan Reixach to make an altarpiece for it. He was instead buried in the royal pantheon at Poblet.
There is little evidence for the function of the chapel before Emperor Charles V passed it on to Menc穩a de Mendoza as a burial place for her parents, the Marquises of Zenete. Initial intentions for the chapel seem to have been condemned to oblivion, unless we turn to circumstantial insights into the original conception of this structure which has long been admired as a masterpiece of late Gothic stonecutting and innovative vault design.[52]
The first piece of evidence is found in the psalter and hours of King Alfonso, located at the British Library in London.[53]泭In some of the miniatures, we see the king in intimate prayer inside small shrines or oratories, in a setting similar to the royal chapel in Valencia, then at an early stage of its construction. These miniatures convey an image of monarchic piety not only on a courtly stageas in the miniature identified with the palatine chapel (fol. 281v) (Fig. 5.9)but also in more intimate chambers and shrines located in or outside the royal residence (fol. 14v, in the royal chamber; fol. 38r, of interest because of the textile oratory; 44v, in front of a crucifix within a small chapel; fol. 106v, before an oratory in a garden; fol. 263v, inside a mendicant church; fol. 312r, with a vision of the Virgin inside a chapel) (Figs 5.10 and 5.11).[54]泭It should be noted that this prayer book was originally commissioned by Cardinal Joan de Casanova, a Dominican friar and royal confessor whose influence was probably key in the choice of iconography and decision to make this book for the need and use of the royal person. The laudatory biography by Antonio Beccadelli,泭De dictis et factis Alphonsi regis Aragonum, stresses the kings commitment to the Liturgy of the Hours under all circumstances and his special veneration of the Eucharist, while the prayer book confirms royal devotion to the Seven Joys of Mary and to the Passion.[55]
The refined simplicity of the architectural setting for royal piety represented by the chapel in the convent of Saint Dominic is consistent with the Dominican ideal of intense spirituality promoted by Saint Vincent Ferrer, the preacher and later saint who played a decisive role in both Alfonsos father election as King of Aragon at Caspe (1412), and in the Observant reform implemented in Santa Mar穩a la Real de Nieva (Segovia) under the patronage of Catherine of Lancaster and Maria of Aragon, Alfonsos aunt and sister respectively.[56]泭Indeed, a chapel dedicated to Saint Vincent Ferrer after his canonisation was built in front of the entrance to the capilla de los Reyes, as can be observed in a plan of the convent from 1842 (Fig. 5.12). Never painted, the austere grey walls interrupted by the two oratories and the interior pulpit would have been suitable for concentration during personal prayer, outside of public ceremonies, with the help of a text such as the manuscript of Francesc Eiximeniss泭Psalterium alias Laudatorium, lavishly illuminated by Pere Bonora and Leonard Cresp穩 for Alfonso in 1443.[57]泭Dedicated to Antipope Benedict XIII, this Latin text, which complemented Eiximeniss泭Vita Christi, became a challenging and enlightened collection of prayers and contemplation for popes and kings.[58]
A second indirect piece of evidence is provided by the transfer of the Crown of Aragons collection of relics from Barcelona to Valencia, where it was deposited in the cathedral in 1437, the very same year in which the chapels foundation is first recorded.[59]泭Although Alfonso needed to borrow money from the cathedral chapter and city authorities, it is difficult to imagine that he was indifferent to the symbolic value of this treasure amassed by his predecessors and augmented by him with the reliquary of Saint Louis of Toulouse, seized in Marseille in 1423.[60]泭It is worth remembering that among the relics delivered to Valencia Cathedral were such pieces as the Virgins Comb, the Holy Grail, a Veronica of the Virgin and a reliquary of Saint George, patron saint of the Crown of Aragon.[61]泭Some of these relics remained there on a temporary basis and were occasionally exhibited in the chapels of the Palau del Real, where the upper chapel was dedicated to Saint Catherine and the lower chapel to Saint Mary of the Angels.[62]泭For a short time, King Alfonso seemed keen to convey an image of piety in these chapels, enriching them with a crucifix of Flemish provenance (1425), acquired for 300 gold florins, and a wooden oratory of some labour for 1,100泭sous, to be maintained by carpenter Pasqual Esteve.[63]
It is perhaps not coincidental that building work started on the convent of Saint Dominic at a date very close to the transfer of relics to Valencia. An unexplained feature of the chapel is the presence of a side window, which could be identified as a hagioscope or squint and can still be seen on the southern wall of the chapel (Fig. 5.13). A hagioscope was deemed necessary when a chapel became a public space and so a separate oratory was constructed to enable members of the royal family to attend ceremonies.[64]泭After reforms and the demolition of most of the surrounding buildings in the convent, no oratory or private chamber connected to the squint has been preserved, but something similar survives in Maria of Castiles oratory at the church of the Sant穩sima Trinidad in Valencia where she was buried in 1458.[65]泭Moreover, a plan of the convent shows that this side of the chapel was in the immediate vicinity of the porters lodge,泭a space to receive laymen and adequate to accommodate a royal apartment if required (see Fig. 5.12).[66]
A second opening, now blocked by the sixteenth-century altarpiece, remains accessible via a spiral staircase and is linked to a room set over the groin vaults of the sacristy. An oblique round-arched doorway leads to the sacristy and the two intertwined spiral staircases, which in turn give access to the upper room and to an exterior pulpit. Such an arrangement would have been useful for displaying relics or the Holy Sacrament, permitting a few privileged faithful to venerate them and get a closer view. This is not inconceivable, since the king exhibited the relics in the palatine chapel in Barcelona on such occasions as the feast of泭Passio Imaginis泭(11 November) or of the Assumption (15 August), at least under Martin I.[67]泭In the palatine chapel of the Palau del Real, Maria of Castile presented the True Cross relic for public veneration.[68]泭In 1449, Alfonso paid the German artist Pere Staxar for a stone sculpture of the Passion for a royal chapel; this may have been in Naples but is more likely to have been in Valencia as the iconography was especially appropriate for a site where relics were displayed.[69]
The layout of the chapel was not dissimilar to the Sainte-Chapelle in Paris, with two lateral niches, a squint and stairs to an upper platform over the sanctuary.[70]泭Nor was it very different from the later and chronologically-closer example of Vincennes.[71]泭The interior of the chapel, with the lateral niches, would have ensured the visibility of the relics or Holy Sacrament in sharp contrast to the dark grey walls in the background. The unexpected lack of sculpted or painted d矇cor, apart from the altarpiece, contributed to the uncanny nudity of the walls under the austere and yet spectacular diamond vault (Fig. 5.14). The question of whether the Eucharist or the relics from the royal treasure were displayed remains elusive, but it is certainly possible: the collection of泭sacra泭pignora泭in the palatine chapel included the Holy Grail, and Alfonso made use of the badge of the burning seat or Siege Perilous (kept vacant for the knight who accomplished the quest in the Arthurian legend) at least from 1426 in Valencia, before conquering Naples, his victory usually identified with this symbol.[72]泭The royal chapel included valuable Marian relics, especially the Virgins Comb given by the Duke of Berry in 1394, as well as the Veronica, and the Trast獺mara dynasty reinforced its association with the Virgin Mary in Ferdinands reign.[73]泭The altarpiece, painted by Joan Reixach (14571463), showed the Virgin of the Expectation (Virgo expectans) flanked by Saints Ildefonso and John, patrons of King Alfonso and of his brother and successor Juan II. As well as Alfonsos onomastic saint, Ildefonso was a distinguished defender of the virginity of Mary before and after Jesuss birth.[74]泭Marian devotion and Eucharistic cult provided a public representation of the monarchy within an urban context in one of the major mendicant convents in Valencia, and were combined with more popular celebrations in local festivals, such as the royal entrances and Corpus Christi processions celebrated on a regular basis.[75]泭Court and city could converge in these festivals, sharing their devotion and experiencing the presence of the relics in Valencia as a true donation instead of a temporary deposit, bringing them from the royal residence to the capilla de los Reyes in Saint Dominic and, eventually, to the cathedral.
In chapter 189 of the novel泭Tirant lo Blanc, written by the knight Joan Martorell in Valencia while the capilla de los Reyes was under construction, the protagonist, who saves the Byzantine Empire from destruction, joins a tournament wearing on his helmet a crest with a comb and the Holy Grail like the one conquered by Sir Galahad, the good knight.[76]泭Already confined to the world of fiction, the ideal of a Crusade to rescue the imperial capital of Constantinople was no longer a royal priority, but might well have been meaningful at the time of the foundation of this chapel.[77]泭The royal chapel in Saint Dominic is undeniably a masterpiece of late Gothic architecture, but the patterns of intention for its function remain blurred and subject to further research. This was also one of a series of shrines where monarchic ideals of piety and proximity to the sacred could be made manifest: values of particular significance for a dynasty that made no claims to sacral kingship, but which nonetheless required a sense of royal sovereignty linked to holiness. To bolster Alfonsos Mediterranean ambitions, it was therefore in the dynastys best interests to communicate the power and prestige of the king to other European kingdoms and Italian princedoms, and to a large and varied audience in a city with strong aspirations to be considered the new capital of the Crown of Aragon.[78]
Citations
[2]泭MS Additional 28962, British Library. On the manuscript see Francesca Espa簽ol Bertran, El salterio y libro de horas de Alfonso el Magn獺nimo y el cardenal Joan de Casanova,泭Locus amoenus泭6 (2002-2003): pp. 91-114; Josefina Planas, Valence, Naples et les routes artistiques de la M矇diterran矇e: Psautier-Livre dHeures dAlphonse le Magnanime, in Christiane Raynaud (ed.),泭Des heures pour prier: Les livres dheures en Europe m矇ridionale du Moyen Age la Renaissance泭(Paris: L矇opard dOr: Cahiers du L矇opard dOr 17, 2014), pp. 65-101; Josefina Planas Badenas, El Salterio-libro de horas del rey Alfonso V de Arag籀n, in Sophie Brouquet and Juan Vicente Garc穩a Marsilla (eds.),泭Mercados del lujo, mercados del arte泭(Valencia: Publicacions de la Universitat de Valencia, 2015), pp. 211-37.
[3]泭Josep Vicent Boira (ed.),泭El Palacio Real de Valencia: los planos de Manuel Cavallero (1802)泭(Valencia: Ayuntamiento de Valencia, 2006).
[4]泭y como tenemos por tradici籀n dicen que fueron hechas para en ellas hazer dos sepulturas y en ellas poner los cuerpos de las dos personas reales de dichos dos reyes y como mudaron de parescer pusieron dos retablos, el uno del prendimiento del Se簽or en el guerto y el otro de Su Sanctissima Coronaci籀n. Francisco Sala,泭Historia de la Fundaci籀n y cosas memorables del Real Convento de Predicadores de Valencia, Manuscript, Biblioteca Hist簷rica de la Universitat de Val癡ncia, MS 163, pp. 16-17.
[5]泭Luis Arciniega Garc穩a, Arquitectura泭a gusto de su Majestad泭en los monasterios de San Miguel de los Reyes y Santo Domingo (s. XVI y XVII) in Francisco Taberner et al. (eds.),泭Historia de la ciudad, vol. 2,泭Territorio, sociedad y patrimonio泭(Valencia: ICARO-Universitat de Val癡ncia, 2002), pp. 186-204, esp. pp. 189-93.
[6]泭Luis Tramoyeres Blasco, Un tr穩ptico de Jer籀nimo Bosco en el Museo de Valencia,泭Archivo de Arte Valenciano泭1:3 (1915): pp. 87-102; Luisa Tolosa Robledo, Mar穩a Teresa Vedre簽o Alba, Arturo Zaragoz獺 Catal獺n,泭La Capella Reial dAlfons el Magnnim de lantic monestir de Predicadors de Val癡ncia I: Estudis泭(Valencia: Generalitat Valenciana, 1997); Noelia Garc穩a P矇rez, Modelos de enterramiento, modelos de patronazgo: la Capilla de los Tres Reyes del convento de Santo Domingo de Valencia y los Marqueses del Zenete,泭Imafronte泭19-20 (2007-2008): pp. 63-74.
[7]泭Rita Costa-Gomes, The Royal Chapel in Iberia: Models, Contacts, and Influences,泭The Medieval History Journal泭12:1 (2009): pp. 77-111.
[8]泭Francesca Espa簽ol Bertran, Calendario lit繳rgico y usos 獺ulicos en la Corona de Arag籀n bajomedieval,泭Studium Medievale: Revista de Cultura visual-cultura escrita泭2 (2009): pp. 185-212.
[9]泭Francisco M. Gimeno et al. (eds.),泭Ordinacions de la Casa i Cort de Pere el Cerimoni籀s泭(Valencia: Publicacions de la Universitat de Val癡ncia, 2009), pp. 203-34, attests to the special attention given to the royal chapel and the festivals to be celebrated there.
[10]泭Johannes Vincke, Das Patronatsrecht der aragonesischen Krone, in泭Spanische Forschungen der Goerresgesellschaft: Gesammelte Aufs瓣tze zur Kulturgeschichte Spaniens泭12 (1955): pp. 55-95; G羹nther R繹hfleisch, Der Ausbau der Pfalzkapelle zu Valencia durch Peter IV von Arag籀n, in泭Homenaje a Johannes Vincke泭(Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cient穩ficas, 1963), 1: pp. 187-92; Johannes Vincke, El derecho de patronato de la Corona de Arag籀n en el Reino de Valencia, in泭Primer Congreso de Historia del Pa穩s Valenciano泭(Valencia: Universitat de Val癡ncia, 1980), 2: pp. 837-49.
[11]泭Gimeno et al.,泭Ordinacions, pp. 206-7; Alberto Torra P矇rez, Reyes, santos y reliquias. Aspectos de la sacralidad de monarqu穩a catalano-aragonesa, in泭XV Congreso de Historia de la Corona de Arag籀n (Jaca, 1993)泭(Zaragoza: Gobierno de Arag籀n, 1996), 1:3, pp. 495-517, esp. pp. 507-10; Espa簽ol Bertran, Calendario lit繳rgico, pp. 193-9.
[12]泭On the limits of variability concerning the transmission of models, see Costa-Gomes, The Royal Chapel in Iberia, pp. 87-94.
[13]泭Perpignan: Marcel Durliat, Les chateaux des Rois de Majorque,泭Bol繚let穩 de la Societat Arqueol簷gica Lul繚liana泭41 (1985): pp. 47-56; Francesca Espa簽ol Bertran, Le programme architectural: un palais pour vivre et gouverner; and Dany Sandron, Chapelles palatines: succ癡s dun type architectural (XIIIe-XIVe si癡cles), in Olivier Passarrius and Aymet Catafau (eds.),泭Un palais dans la ville. Le Palais des rois de Majorque Perpignan泭(Perpignan: Trabucaire, 2014), pp. 115-33 and 249-58. Naples: Xavier Barral i Altet Alfonso il Magnanimo tra Barcellona e Napoli, e la memoria del Medioevo, in Arturo Carlo Quintavalle (ed.),泭Medioevo: immagine e memoria泭(Milan: Electa, 2009), pp. 668-74, p. 655, for an explanation of Alfonsos choice to maintain the old chapel in the new castle after his conquest of Naples in 1442; Bianca De Divitiis, Castel Nuovo and Castel Capuano in Naples: The Transformation of Two Medieval Castles into 硃梭梭a紳喧勳釵硃 Residences for the Aragonese Royals,泭Zeitschrift f羹r Kunstgeschichte泭76 (2013): pp. 441-74, here pp. 448, 459-61, for some fifteenth-century descriptions of the chapel and its decor.
[14]泭William Tronzo,泭The Cultures of his Kingdom: Roger II and the Cappella Palatina in Palermo (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997); Marco Rosario Nobile, The Residences of the Kings of Sicily, from Martin of Arag籀n to Ferdinand the Catholic, in Silvia Beltramo et al. (eds.),泭A Renaissance Architecture of Power. Princely Palaces in the Italian Quattrocento泭(Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2015), pp. 354-78.
[15]泭Miguel Sobrino Gonz獺lez, Barcelona. Las razones de una catedral singular,泭Goya泭307-308 (2005): pp. 197-214; Miguel Sobrino Gonz獺lez, Palacios catedralicios, catedrales palatinas,泭Anales de Historia del Arte泭23, n繳m. ext. 2 (2013): pp. 551-67, in particular, pp. 554-64.
[16]泭Costa-Gomes, The Royal Chapel in Iberia, pp. 78-87; Jos矇 Manuel Nieto Soria, Los espacios de las ceremonias devocionales y lit繳rgicas de la monarqu穩a Trast獺mara,泭Anales de Historia del Arte泭23, n繳m. ext. 2 (2013): pp. 243-58; Javier Mart穩nez de Aguirre,泭Arte y monarqu穩a en Navarra, 1328-1425泭(Pamplona: Gobierno de Navarra, 1987);泭 Mar穩a Narbona C獺rceles, La Capilla de los Reyes de Navarra (1387-1425): espacio de espiritualidad y de cultura en el medio cortesano, in Carmen Erro Gasca and 簽igo Mugueta Moreno (eds.),泭Grupos sociales en la historia de Navarra, relaciones y derechos. Actas del V Congreso de Historia de Navarra泭(Pamplona: Gobierno de Navarra, 2002), 1: pp. 119-32.
[17]泭Francesca Espa簽ol Bertran, Artistas y obras entre la Corona de Arag籀n y el reino de Francia, in Mar穩a Concepci籀n Cosmen et al. (eds.),泭El intercambio art穩stico entre los reinos hispanos y las cortes europeas en la Baja Edad Media泭(Le籀n: Universidad de Le籀n 2009), pp. 253-94, esp. pp. 267-79.
[18]泭Anna Maria Adroer i Tasis, Algunes notes sobre la capella del Palau Major de Barcelona,泭Anuario de Estudios Medievales泭19 (1989): pp. 385-97; Torra P矇rez, Reyes, santos y reliquias, pp. 508-11; Francesca Espa簽ol Bertran, La Santa Capella del rei Mart穩 I lHum i el seu context,泭Lambard. Estudis dart medieval泭21 (2009-2010): pp. 27-52, here pp. 42-52.
[19]泭Espa簽ol Bertran, Artistas y obras, p. 279; Espa簽ol Bertran, La Santa Capella, p. 44.
[20]泭Claudine Billot,泭Les Saintes Chapelles royales et princi癡res泭(Paris: ditions du Patrimoine, 1998); Laurent Vissi矇re, Lerection des Saintes-Chapelles (XIVe-XVe si癡cles), in lisabeth Crouzet-Pavan and Jean-Claude Maire Vigueur (eds.),泭Lart au service du prince. Paradigme italien, exp矇riences europ矇ennes (vers 1250-vers 1500)泭(Rome: Viella 2015), pp. 116-29, esp. pp. 137-9.
[21]泭David Nogales Rinc籀n, Las capillas y capellan穩as reales castellano-leonesas en la baja Edad Media (siglos XIII-XV): algunas precisiones institucionales,泭Anuario de Estudios Medievales泭35:2 (2005): pp. 737-66, esp. pp. 738-48; David Nogales Rinc籀n, Rey, sepulcro y catedral. Patrones ideol籀gicos y creaci籀n art穩stica en torno al pante籀n regio en la Corona de Castilla (1230-1516), in Maria Dolores Teijeira et al. (eds.),泭Reyes y prelados. La creaci籀n art穩stica en los reinos de Le籀n y Castilla (1050-1500)泭(Madrid: S穩lex, 2014), pp. 257-82.
[22]泭Espa簽ol Bertran, Calendario lit繳rgico, pp. 189-93; Francesca Espa簽ol Bertran, Formas art穩sticas y espiritualidad. El horizonte franciscano del c穩rculo familiar de Jaime II y sus ecos funerarios, in Isabel Beceiro Pita (ed.),泭Poder, piedad y devoci籀n: Castilla y su entorno (siglos XII-XV)泭(Madrid: S穩lex, 2014), pp. 389-422.
[23]泭Fernando Chueca Goitia,泭Casas reales en monasterios y conventos espa簽oles泭(Madrid, Xarait: 1982).
[24]泭Maria Rosa Ter矇s, El Palau del Rei Mart穩 a Poblet: una obra inacabada dArnau Bargu矇s i Fran癟oi Salau,泭嗨A娶喧泭16 (1990): pp. 19-40.
[25]泭Amadeo Serra Desfilis and Matilde Miquel Juan, La capilla de San Mart穩n en la Cartuja de Valldecrist: construcci籀n, devoci籀n y magnificencia,泭Ars longa泭18 (2009): pp. 65-80.
[26]泭Jos矇 Mar穩a Madurell Marim籀n,泭Mensajeros barceloneses en la Corte de N獺poles de Alfonso V de Arag籀n (1435-1458)泭(Barcelona: Escuela de Estudios Medievales, 1963), pp. 429-30, cited by Francesca Espa簽ol Bertran,泭Els escenaris del rei: art i monarquia a la Corona dArag籀泭(Manresa: Fundaci籀 Caixa Manresa, 2001), p. 269.
[27]泭Espa簽ol Bertran,泭Els escenaris, p. 114.
[28]泭Espa簽ol Bertran, Calendario lit繳rgico, p. 189.
[29]泭Espa簽ol Bertran, Calendario lit繳rgico, p. 195.
[30]泭Serra Desfilis, Miquel Juan, La capilla de San Mart穩n, p. 69; Espa簽ol Bertran, La Santa Capella, pp. 29-30 (Poblet) and 33 (Valldecrist). Espa簽ol Bertran connects this royal gallery to the main church instead of to the Chapel of Saint Martin.
[31]泭Francesc Eiximenis,泭Scala Dei. Devocionari de la reina Maria泭(Barcelona: Publicacions de lAbadia de Montserrat, 1985), p. 9: see Espa簽ol Bertran, El salterio y libro de horas, p. 105n96.
[32]泭Albert G. Hauf,泭DEiximenis a sor Isabel de Villena: aportaci籀 a lestudi de la nostra cultura medieval泭(Val癡ncia-Barcelona: Universitat de Val癡ncia-Abadia de Montserrat, 1990), pp. 219-300; N繳ria Silleras-Fern獺ndez,泭Power, Piety and Patronage in Late Medieval Queenship: Mar穩a de Luna泭(New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), pp. 139-60; Espa簽ol Bertran, Calendario lit繳rgico, p. 189.
[33]泭Francesca Espa簽ol Bertran, El tesoro sagrado de los reyes en la Corona de Arag籀n, in泭Maravillas de la Espa簽a medieval. Tesoro sagrado y monarqu穩a泭(Valladolid: Junta de Castilla y Le籀n, 2001), p. 273.
[34]泭Espa簽ol Bertran, La Santa Capella, pp. 27-52.
[35]泭Torra P矇rez, Reyes, santos y reliquias, p. 516.
[36]泭Alan Ryder,泭Alfonso the Magnanimous, King of Aragon, Naples and Siclily, 1396-1458泭(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), pp. 45-174; Rafael Narbona Vizca穩no, Alfonso el Magn獺nimo, Valencia y el oficio de Racional, in Giovanni dAgostino (ed.),泭XVI Congresso di Storia della Corona dAragona: La Corona dAragona ai tempi di Alfonso il Magnanimo泭(Naples: Paparo Edizioni, 2001), 1: pp. 593-617; Juan Vicente Garc穩a Marsilla, Avalando al rey: Pr矇stamos a la Corona y finanzas municipales en la Valencia del siglo XV, in Manuel S獺nchez Mart穩nez and Denis Menjot (eds.),泭Fiscalidad de Estado y fiscalidad municipal en los reinos hisp獺nicos medievales泭(Madrid: Casa de Vel獺zquez, 2006), pp. 377-90.
[37]泭Salvador Carreres Zacar矇s,泭Ensayo de una bibliograf穩a de libros de fiestas celebradas en Valencia y su antiguo Reino泭(Valencia: Vives Mora, 1925), 1: pp. 66-9; 2: pp. 96-109. For the Palau del Real, see Mercedes G籀mez-Ferrer, La reforma del Real Vell de Valencia en 矇poca de Alfonso el Magn獺nimo,泭Lexicon: Storie e architettura in Sicilia泭8 (2009): pp. 7-22.
[38]泭Juan Vicente Garc穩a Marsilla, El poder visible: demanda y funciones del arte en la corte de Alfonso el Magn獺nimo,泭Ars longa泭7-8 (1996-1997): pp. 33-47; Juan Vicente Garc穩a Marsilla,泭Art i societat a la Val癡ncia medieval泭(Catarroja: Afers, 2011), pp. 239-72.
[39]泭Espa簽ol Bertran, El tesoro sagrado, p. 280; Torra P矇rez, Reyes, santos y reliquias, p. 516.
[40]泭Caroline Bruzelius,泭Preaching, Building and Burying. Friars in the Medieval City泭(New Haven-London: Yale University Press, 2014), pp. 124 and 129.
[41]泭Arturo Zaragoz獺 Catal獺n, La Capilla Real del antiguo Monasterio de Predicadores de Valencia, in Tolosa Robledo et al.,泭La Capella Reial I: Estudis, pp. 14-59; Pablo Navarro Camallonga and Enrique Rabasa D穩az, La b籀veda de la capilla real del antiguo convento de Santo Domingo de Valencia. Hip籀tesis de trazas de canter穩a con la aproximaci籀n al arco, in Enrique Rabasa D穩az et al. (eds.),泭Obra Congrua泭(Madrid: Instituto Juan de Herrera, 2017), pp. 253-64.
[42]泭Zo禱 Opacic,泭Diamond Vaults.泭Innovation and Geometry in Medieval Architecture泭(London: Architectural Association, 2005), p. 10.
[43]泭Arturo Zaragoz獺 Catal獺n, Cuando la arista gobierna el aparejo: b籀vedas aristadas, in Amadeo Serra Desfilis (ed.),泭Arquitectura en construcci籀n en Europa en 矇poca medieval y moderna泭(Valencia: Universitat de Val癡ncia, 2010), pp. 187-224.
[44]泭Jos矇 Luis Jim矇nez Salvador and Ferran Arasa i Gil, Procesos de expolio y reutilizaci籀n de la arquitectura p繳blica romana en el territorio valenciano, in Luis Arciniega Garc穩a and Amadeo Serra Desfilis,泭Recepci籀n, imagen y memoria del arte del pasado泭(Valencia: Universitat de Val癡ncia, 2018), pp. 47-69.
[45]泭Zaragoz獺 Catal獺n, La Capilla Real, pp. 34-43; Javier Mart穩nez de Aguirre, Imagen e identidad en la arquitectura medieval hispana: carisma, filiaci籀n, origen, dedicaci籀n,泭Codex Aquilarensis泭31 (2015): pp. 121-50, esp. pp. 124-6.
[46]泭Robert I. Burns,泭The Crusader Kingdom of Valencia泭(Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1967), 1: pp. 204-7.
[47]泭For the sources, see Luisa Tolosa Robledo, Mar穩a Carmen Vedre簽o Alba,泭La Capella Reial dAlfons el Magnnim de lantic monestir de Predicadors de Val癡ncia II:泭Documents泭(Valencia: Generalitat Valenciana, 1996).
[48]泭Archivo del Reino de Valencia, Bail穩a, 獺pocas, microfilm 1629, fol. 338, 30 October 1443, as mentioned by Luisa Tolosa Robledo and Mar穩a Carmen Vedre簽o Alba, La Capella del Rei Alfons el Magnnim al Monestir de Sant Dom癡nech de Val癡ncia, in泭La Capella Reial I: Estudis, p. 63.
[49]泭Trait矇 sur loraison mentale, Brussels, manuscript 9092, fol. 9r, miniature by Jean Le Tavernier, 1454, Biblioth癡que Royale Albert Ier.
[50]泭Francesca Espa簽ol Bertran, Encuadres arquitect籀nicos para la muerte: de lo ornamental a lo representativo. Una aproximaci籀n a los proyectos funerarios del tardog籀tico hispano,泭Codex Aqularensis泭31 (2015): pp. 93-119.
[51]泭Daniel Benito Goerlich,泭El Real Monasterio de la Sant穩sima Trinidad de Valencia泭(Valencia: Consell Valenci de Cultura, 1998), pp. 53-7.
[52]泭Zaragoz獺 Catal獺n, La Capilla Real, pp. 44-7. George E. Street,泭Some Account of Gothic Architecture in Spain泭(London: J. Murray, 1865), p. 286, George E. Street had heard of it but could not visit the chapel.
[53]泭Psalter and Hours, Dominican use, known as the Prayerbook of Alfonso V of Arag籀n, manuscript Add MS 28962, British Library,泭http://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/FullDisplay.aspx?ref=Add_MS_28962.
[54]泭Espa簽ol Bertran, El salterio y libro de horas, pp. 104-7.
[55]泭Antonio Beccadelli, De dictis et factis Alphonsi regis Arag籀num,泭MS 445, fols. 77r-79r, Biblioteca Hist簷rica de la Universitat de Val癡ncia, with particular mention of the ceremony on Maundy Thursday; see also Espa簽ol Bertran, El salterio y libro de horas, p. 94; Planas Badenas, El Salterio-Libro de Horas, pp. 214-32.
[56]泭Philip Dayleader,泭Saint Vincent Ferrer. His World and Life: Religion and Society in Late Medieval Europe泭(London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016); Diana Luc穩a G籀mez-Chac籀n, Reinas y predicadores: el Monasterio de Santa Mar穩a la Real de Nieva en tiempos de Catalina de Lancaster y Mar穩a de Arag籀n (1390-1445), in Teijeira et al. (eds.),泭Reyes y prelados,泭pp. 325-40; G籀mez-Chac籀n, Arte y reforma dominicana en el siglo XV: Nuevas perspectivas de estudio,泭Erasmo. Revista de historia bajomedieval y moderna泭4 (2017): pp. 87-106. For observance during the fifteenth century, see Emilio Callado Estela and Alfonso Esponera Cerd獺n, 1239-1835: Cr籀nica del Real Convento de Predicadores de Valencia, in泭El Palau de la Saviesa. El Reial Convent de Predicadors de Val癡ncia i la Biblioteca Universitria泭(Valencia: Universitat de Val癡ncia, 2005), p. 133.
[57]泭MS 726, Biblioteca Hist簷rica de la Universitat de Val癡ncia. Amparo Villalba D獺valos,泭La miniatura valenciana en los siglos XIV y XV泭(Valencia: Alfonso el Magn獺nimo, 1964), pp. 91-3, 142-5, 233-4, 237-40; Josefina Planas Badenas, Los c籀dices ilustrados de Francesc Eiximenis: an獺lisis de su iconograf穩a,泭Anuario del Departamento de Historia y Teor穩a del Arte泭9-10 (1997-1998): pp. 73-90, esp. pp. 77-8.
[58]泭Francesc Eiximenis,泭Psalterium alias Laudatorium, (ed.) Curt J. Wittlin (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1988); Albert G. Hauf i Valls, El Psalterium alias Laudatorium i la Vita Christi de Francesc Eiximenis, obres complementries?, in泭Miscel繚lnia Joan Bastardas, vol. 1,泭Estudis de Llengua i Literatura Catalanes泭XVIII (Barcelona: Abadia de Montserrat, 1989), pp. 205-29.
[59]泭Tolosa Robledo, Vedre簽o Alba, La Capella del Rei, pp. 62-3.
[60]泭Ryder,泭Alfonso the Magnanimous, pp. 114 and 117.
[61]泭Peregr穩n-Luis Llorens Raga,泭Relicario de la catedral de Valencia泭(Valencia: Alfonso el Magn獺nimo, 1964); Miguel Navarro Sorni, Pignora sanctorum. En torno a las reliquias, su culto y las funciones del mismo, in Joan J. Gavara (ed.),泭Reliquias y relicarios en la expansi籀n mediterr獺nea de la Corona de Arag籀n. El Tesoro de la Catedral de Valencia (Valencia: Generalitat Valenciana, 1998), pp. 95-133; Catalina Mart穩n Lloris, Las reliquias de la Capilla Real en la Corona de Arag籀n y el Santo C獺liz de la Catedral de Valencia (1396-1458) (PhD diss., Universitat de Val癡ncia, 2004).
[62]泭Amadeo Serra Desfilis, Cort e Palau de Rey. The Real Palace of Valencia in the Medieval Epoch,泭Imago Temporis.泭Medium Aevum泭1 (2007): pp. 121-48, here p. 137.
[63]泭Jos矇 Sanchis Sivera, La escultura valenciana en la Edad Media,泭Archivo de Arte Valenciano泭10 (1924): 16-17; Luis Fullana Mira, El Palau del Real,泭Cultura Valenciana泭2 (1927): 153-6; Garc穩a Marsilla,泭Art i societat,泭p. 252.
[64]泭Pierre-Yves Le Pogam, The Hagioscope in the Princely Chapels in France from the Thirteenth to the Fifteenth Century, in Jiri Fajt (ed.),泭Court Chapels of the High and Late Middle Ages and their Artistic Decoration泭(Prague: National Gallery of Prague, 2003), pp. 171-8.
[65]泭Arturo Zaragoz獺 Catal獺n, Real Monasterio de la Trinidad, in Joaqu穩n B矇rchez (ed.),泭Valencia, arquitectura religiosa泭(Valencia: Generalitat Valenciana, 1995), p. 144; Benito Goerlich,泭El Real Monasterio, p. 89.
[66]泭Archivo General Militar, Madrid, B-1-21, Plan of the former Convent of Saint Dominic (1847). This area (number 11 in the plan) had been rebuilt between 1789 and 1800 as part of the new fa癟ade project, whereas Capilla de los Reyes is identified by number 6.
[67]泭Torra P矇rez, Reyes, santos y reliquias, pp. 510-11; Espa簽ol Bertran, Calendario lit繳rgico, p. 210.
[68]泭Fullana, El Palau del Real, pp. 153-6; Serra Desfilis, The Real Palace, p. 137.
[69]泭Sanchis Sivera, La escultura valenciana, p. 22.
[70]泭Peter Kov璽c, Notes on the Description of the Sainte-Chapelle in Paris from 1378, in Fajt (ed.),泭Court Chapels, pp. 162-70, here, p. 163; Meredith Cohen,泭The Sainte-Chapelle and the Construction of Sacral Monarchy泭(Cambridge-New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015), pp. 159-64
[71]泭For Vincennes, see Odette Chapelot et al., Un chantier et son ma簾tre doeuvre: Raymond du Temple et la Sainte-Chapelle de Vincennes, in Odette Chapelot (ed.),泭Du projet au chantier.泭Ma簾tres douvrage et ma簾tres doeuvre aux XIVe-XVIe si癡cles泭(Paris: cole des Hautes tudes en Sciences Sociales, 2001), pp. 433-88. For its relationship with the Sainte-Chapelle in Paris and successive imitations in Aachen and Westminster, see Dany Sandron, La culture des architectes de la fin du Moyen ge. propos de Raymond du Temple la Sainte-Chapelle de Vincennes,泭Comptes rendus des s矇ances de lAcad矇mie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres泭150: 2 (2006): pp. 1255-79, esp. pp. 1260-79. Connections between decorative sculpture in late fourteenth-century France and the Crown of Aragon have been observed by Maria Rosa Ter矇s in La escultura del G籀tico Internacional en la Corona de Arag籀n: los primeros a簽os (ca. 1400-1416),泭Artigrama泭26 (2011): pp. 147-81.
[72]泭Garc穩a Marsilla, El poder visible, pp. 39-40; first mentioned in the sources in 1426: Rafael Beltr獺n Llavador, Los or穩genes del Grial en las leyendas art繳ricas. Interpretaciones cristianas y visiones simb籀licas,泭Tirant: Butllet穩 informatiu i bibliogrfic泭11 (2008): pp. 19-54.
[73]泭Francesc Ruiz i Quesada, Els primers Trastmares. La legitimaci籀 mariana dun llinatge, in Maria Rosa Ter矇s (ed.),泭Capitula facta et fermata.泭Inquietuds art穩stiques en el Quatre-cents泭(Valls: Cossetnia, 2011), pp. 71-112, esp. pp. 99-101.
[74]泭For an eighteenth-century description of the old altarpiece, displaced and moved to the chapter house, see Jos矇 Teixidor,泭Capillas y sepulturas del Real Convento de Predicadores de Valencia泭(Valencia: Acci籀n Bibliogr獺fica Valenciana, 1949) 2: pp. 418 and 424.
[75]泭Rafael Narbona Vizca穩no,泭Memorias de la Ciudad. Ceremonias, creencias y costumbres en la historia de Valencia泭(Valencia: Ayuntamiento de Valencia, 2003), pp. 69-100.
[76]泭Beltr獺n Llavador, Los or穩genes del Grial, pp. 44-6.
[77]泭Joan Molina Figueras, Un trono in fiamme per il re. La metamorfosi cavalleresca di Alfonso il Magnanimo,泭Rassegna storica salernitana,泭28: 56 (2011): pp. 11-44, here pp. 28-30.
[78]泭Andrea Longhi, Palaces and Palatine Chapels in 15th-Century Italian Dukedoms: Ideas and Experiences, Beltramo et al. (eds.),泭A Renaissance Architecture of Power, pp. 82-104.
DOI: 10.33999/2019.49