In the second half of the fourteenth century, the great building lodges of the Holy Roman Empire and Central Europe revitalised the Gothic architectural idiom that had been developed in twelfth- and thirteenth-century France, enriching its formal repertoire and seeking greater spatial integration. In this essay I will focus on a similar process in the Iberian Peninsula, most notably the rejection of the basilica plan in which a high central vessel was flanked by lower aisles. I will consider the earliest Castilian examples of hall churches or泭Hallenkirchen泭in the fifteenth century, their possible German origins, and the evolution and development of this typology in Iberia in the centuries that followed. I will also explore the economic advantages of hall churches and processes of copying and emulation in parish churches.
The German Model and Historiography
The Hallenkirchen, built in Germany from the middle of the fourteenth century, not only dispensed with the traditional staggered heights of the nave and aisles associated with the basilical plan and泭ad triangulum泭sections of French High Gothic churches, but also pulled together the nave and aisles into one integrated spatial unit. Projecting transepts and ambulatories with radiating chapels were also abandoned, so that plan, elevation, and section were all designed泭ad quadratum. As the nave and aisles were of equal height, windows could be placed only in the aisles and, in some cases, at the west end and in the eastern apse. The result was more even lighting, but less of it. Externally, the architects of these churches emphasised their volumes and flat surfaces by dispensing with the staggered massing, protruding forms and rich ornamentation associated with Gothic churches in thirteenth-century France.
Some of these characteristics appeared already at the church of Saint Elizabeth in Marburg (after 1235), Minden Cathedral (12671290), the Dominican church in Colmar (1283 until the second quarter of the fourteenth century), Heinrich Parlers church for Schw瓣bisch-Gm羹nd, and in the work of his son, Peter, at Prague Cathedral. In the fifteenth century this typology was further developed in the apse of the Franciscan church in Salzburg (begun in 1406), the church of Saint Lawrence in Nuremberg (14391477), and in Saint Georg in Dinkelsb羹hl in Swabia (14481499), and was employed with particular brilliance by Benedikt Ried (14511534), especially in his designs for the church of Saint Barbara in Kutna Hor獺, now in the Czech Republic. It is surely significant that the German church in Rome, Santa Maria dellAnima, was begun in approximately 1431 with a plan that follows the hall church, even if it was built with a largely classical architectural vocabulary (Fig. 10.1). The same plan was chosen for another church in Rome, Santa Maria della Piet, begun in 1501 in the German Cemetery.[1]
These innovations were clear to travellers to Germany in this period. Several of those who attended the Council of Basel (143135), for example, commissioned new works on their return that were clearly inspired by the buildings they had seen. The clearest example of this is Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini, later Pope Pius II (r. 145864), who commissioned the architect Bernardo Rosellino to build a cathedral in Pienza (Italy) similaras he wrote in his correspondenceto those beautiful and luminous churches he had seen in southern Germany.[2]泭Construction of the Castilian church in Rome, Santiago de los Espa簽oles, built between 1450 and 1458 and the first hall church linked to Castile, was also connected to Rosellino and to Pius II (Fig. 10.2).[3]泭Alonso de Cartagena, who was appointed bishop of Burgos in 1435, was present at the Council of Basel from 1434 onwards. His trip to northern Europe has long been associated with the arrival in Burgos of Juan de Colonia, who was entrusted with the completion of the cathedrals western spires, supposedly inspired by north tower of Basel Cathedral, amongst others.[4]
From the work at Pienza and Burgos it seems that high spires and hall structures were considered the most interesting new elements of Gothic architecture in Central Europe. The new type of decoration associated with these structuresquite distinct from French Gothic traditionspresumably moved the second Count of Tendilla, 簽igo L籀pez de Mendoza, when in October 1505 he wrote to the master mason of Seville Cathedral, Alonso Rodr穩guez, to request that the decoration of the tomb of Cardinal Diego Hurtado de Mendoza (簽igos brother) in this cathedral should mix nothing French, German or Moorish, but should be only Roman.[5]
It was the German scholar Georg Weise (18881978) who, in three seminal publications, first systematically investigated hall churches in Spain.[6]泭His work was fundamental in underlining the tremendous vitality of this type in the peninsula, and belongs to a historiographical tradition that interpreted Hallenkirchen as a symbol of German identity.[7]泭The idea was Romantic in origin, and can be traced back to Wilhelm L羹bkes泭Die mittelalterliche Kunst in Westfalen泭(1853), in which the term Hallenkirchen was first coined. L羹bkes ideas were subsequently developed by scholars from the Vienna School in the context of their praise for the final phases of styles, such that the spatial integrity of hall churches came to be understood as a northern parallel to developments in Italian Renaissance architecture of the same period.[8]
Kurt Gerstenberg and Georg Dehio further consolidated the argument that Hallenkirchen represented an expression of the national German spirit, and it was Gerstenbergs notion of a special Gothic, the deutsche Sondergotik, that especially inspired Weise.[9]泭For Gerstenberg, and consequently for Weise, German Gothic was special because the Hallenkirchen epitomised the idea of unified space, as opposed to the hierarchical spaces of so-called classic French Gothic churches and the basilical plan. According to this model, space flowed uniformly through the church, with all vaults at the same height rather than separated by transverse or longitudinal arches, and with no hierarchy in the organisation of supports. Churches with these characteristics could be found across Germany and beyond. This typology was seen as an expression of Germanic spatial perception and became an epitome of national Germanic identity, an indigenous stylistic development that could even be traced back to German Romanesque churches.[10]泭For French scholars, by contrast, this type of church was nothing more than a modified basilica, a nave without windows, and thus derived from French rather than German roots.[11]
Weises understanding of Late Gothic architecture in Spainand its connections to Germanywas premised on the idea that neither Spain nor Germany had created their own architectural styles (unlike France or Italy), but had instead assimilated and transformed styles that originated elsewhere. But at the end of the Gothic period, according to Weise, Spain and Germany reinvented Gothic architecture to create their own variant of Gothic. Weise was in fact the first scholar to use the term Late Gothic to describe late medieval architecture in Spain.[12]
Professor of the History of Medieval and Modern Art at the University of T羹bingen, Weise was in 1933 accused by the National Socialist authorities of rejecting Germanic art, and instead favouring art from elsewhere. These accusations were based on Weises frequent trips to Spain, at a time when he was chiefly interested in sculpture. Thereafter Weise cancelled his trips to Spain, and only returned in the 1950s, when, as Claudia Ruckert has suggested, Spains new political situation attracted a revival of interest from German scholars.[13]泭As Ruckert has argued, this political context strongly inflected Weises scholarship (Fig. 10.3). He began by cataloguing different types of hall church, tracing their evolution and distribution across Spain. By his account, cathedrals and monastic churches were almost never built as hall churches, but the type flourished in parish churches. Most importantly, he distinguished between churches with plain piers and no impost, characteristic of churches before the sixteenth century, and churches with moulded cylindrical supports, constructed in the first half of the sixteenth century. Weises claims of German influence found support in Vicente Lamp矇rez y Romeas seminal泭Historia de la arquitectura cristiana espa簽ola en la Edad Media seg繳n el estudio de los elementos y los monumentos泭(1908), in which the Spanish scholar and architect had already connected Late Gothic architecture in Spain to the migration of German and Burgundian artists to Castile.[14]泭Supported by such distinguished scholars from Spain and Germany, the hypothesis that German architects had brought the German Hallenkirchen to Castile soon became fact.
This is not the place to create an alternative historiographic invention, this time powered by Spanish nationalism.[15]泭But it is important to understand that studies of hall churches have developed considerably since the 1980s, complementing and nuancing Weises pioneering studies. On one hand, Spanish scholars have uncovered documentary evidence that now makes it possible to date quite precisely certain buildings that were hitherto only very loosely dated.[16]泭And on the other hand, the possible means of transmission of hall church designs to Castile has been much more closely analysed. Two divergent models have been used to understand transmission. One connects transmission to the migration of foreign masons to Castile, and thus underlines the German origins of hall churches.[17]泭The other emphasises a long Spanish tradition of spatial unification in church architecture, from which hall church designs may have emerged.[18]泭This second line of explanation, which in many cases also acknowledges the first, underlines the widespread trend in the fifteenth century to raise the aisles to the same height as the nave, as had happened earlier in Santa Ana in Triana (Seville), Santa Cruz in Medina de Pomar (Burgos) and in Catalan Gothic churches, such as in the aisles of Barcelona Cathedral.
Much more is known now than in Weises day. He measured and photographed 150 Spanish hall churches. Today, more than three hundred pre-1700 hall churches have been recorded, scattered across Spain, except in Galicia, Catalonia, Balearics and Valencia, and with scant presence in territories such as Asturias, Navarre and Extremadura. Two areas boast more hall churches than any other: the ecclesiastical provinces of Toledo and Burgos.[19]泭Contrary to Weises suggestions, a number of cathedrals and monastic churches have also been identified as hall churches.[20]
Origins in The Crown Of Castile?
As suggested above, in the thirteenth-century church of Santa Ana in Triana and parts of Barcelona Cathedral built in the fourteenth century, the aisles rise to almost the same height as the nave. But Seville Cathedral offers perhaps the most striking example of spatial unification in peninsular Gothic architecture. There, the double aisles are of equal height and approach that of the central vessel; on these grounds it has been related to Hallenkirchen.[21]泭Its design is owed to foreign artists not from Germany but from France, and especially Normandy. It was begun in 1433 to the design of Isambart, Master Ysanbarte, or Ysember, who worked in Seville in 1433 and 1434, and was probably a Frenchman christened as泭Isembertus. He was a versatile, seasoned architect whose work is documented in numerous Spanish cities, beginning with Lleida in 1410. Since he was well-versed in structural matters, he was summoned to Zaragoza in 1417 as a designer and director of works for highly complicated chapels. He demonstrated his skill in Daroca, near Zaragoza (141722), and directed major works at Palencia Cathedral from 1424 to approximately 1437.[22]泭The next master mason who is documented as head of the lodge in Seville is Master Carl穩nCharles Gautier from Rouenwho was Ysanbartes former superior at Lleida and was paid as head of the team of stonemasons and labourers who cut stones and took them to the new works at Seville in 1435.[23]泭Following Carl穩ns disappearance (he probably died in 1454), continuity of the works was guaranteed by the wardens who stayed on. The first of these was another Frenchman, Jean Normant, his name rendered in Castilian as Juan Norm獺n, master mason from 1454 until his retirement in 1478.[24]
By the 1470s, it was already clear from the height of its aisles that Seville Cathedral would not follow the traditional basilical model of Gothic cathedrals. It must have been around this this time that a plan of Seville Cathedral was drawn up. This plan is now in the archive of the convent of La Sant穩sima Trinidad de Bidaurreta, O簽ate, Guip繳zcoa.[25]泭The heights of all the freestanding piers are written beside them, with XV repeated on those in the nave and transepts (including the crossing), and XII on the remainder (Fig. 10.4). The result was a cathedral which resembles a hall church, quickly imitated nearby in such fine examples as the churches of Utrera, Carmona and Aracena.[26]
According to Paul de la Riestra, the first church in the crown of Castile to be a true hall church was Astorga Cathedral, Le籀n.[27]泭It is also the only Spanish hall church to be attributed to a German master, Juan de Colonia. The theory exposed by De la Riestra holds that Colonia designed the cathedral in approximately 1471 on the model of a hall church, a plan that was subsequently altered, but only when work on the presbytery had advanced considerably. The interrupted buttresses in the lateral apses (Fig. 10.5) and the absence of transepts (Rodrigo Gil would add them later) suggest that the cathedral of Astorga was planned as a hall church, possibly related to the Mortizkirche in Halle an der Saale in Saxony, Germany. The possibility that Astorga was designed by a German master cannot be confirmed through written sources, however, and Juan de Colonias early works in Castile scarcely resemble Astorga Cathedral. It is hoped that further investigation may shed light on this early example of a Spanish hall church.
Recent research has also enhanced understanding of Zaragoza Cathedral, traditionally thought to be the second true hall church in Spain, its nave and double aisles raised to the same height at the end of the fifteenth century. It is now known that in the fourteenth century a new Gothic church was begun to a basilical plan, and with single aisles. The additional aisles were added after 1490, and in 1519 new vaults were added to the nave, below the level of the fourteenth-century vaults.[28]泭Zaragozas hall church design was not planned from the start but followed multiple interventions, including the addition of a transept. For this reason, it cannot be considered one of the earliest hall churches in Spain.
At Plasencia Cathedral there is clear documentary evidence that the chapter wished the nave and aisles to be of the same height. The cathedral was begun in 1498 by Enrique Egas, architect of Toledo Cathedral, and work continued under Juan de lava, architect of Salamancas New Cathedral. In 1522 the chapter demanded that Juan raise the transepts to the same height as the capilla mayor and to keep this height for the remaining parts of the church, all of which indicates that reference was being made to the hall model.[29]泭The architect further reinforced the cathedrals spatial continuity by using fascicle piers with no capitals, emphasising the continuity of ribs and responds from the ground to the vaults.
If the example of Plasencia shows that cathedral chapters took an interest in hall churches, then the case of Salamanca demonstrates that this was also a concern for architects. In 1523 a conference in Salamanca drew together architects from the great lodge at Toledo (Enrique Egas and Vasco de la Zarza), from the employment of the Constable of Castile (Juan de Rasines), and from Salamanca itself (Juan Gil de Honta簽籀n and Juan de lava) to consider how to terminate the nave and aisles of the new cathedral. In those discussions, and in others from 1531 and 1533, the possibility of finishing the cathedral as a hall church was raised.[30]
It should be noted that all the protagonists at this conference were born in Castile, and that many had experience of hall churches in the construction of parish churchesarguably the most important field of experimentation with this typology in the Iberian Peninsula. Hall churches are especially common in the most ambitious collegiate and parish churches: the collegiate church of San Antol穩n in Medina del Campo, built by Juan Gil de Honta簽籀n from 1521 onwards (Fig. 10.6); the collegiate church of Berlanga de Duero in Soria, begun by Juan de Rasines in 1526; the parish church of Villacast穩n (Segovia), begun in 1539 by Rodrigo Gil de Honta簽籀n; the church of Yepes in Toledo, begun by the Renaissance architect Alonso de Covarrubias in 1534; the parish church in Haro (La Rioja), where Juan de Rasines was active in 1534; and the parish churches of Briones (La Rioja), Roa (Burgos), and numerous others (Fig. 10.7). Indeed, as John D. Hoag notes, During the first half of the sixteenth century parish churches of the two Castillas that were not conceived as hall churches with three equal aisles are rare.[31]
Economy and Imitation
Direct imitation of other churches can very clearly be discerned amongst parish churches, subject to two key factors. On one hand, this imitation can be understood in the context of the socio-professional environment of those who erected the churches, notably the unusually cohesive group of masons from the northern part of the peninsula who clung to the same technical solutions for generations. In this respect, erecting vaults at the same height created minor complexity for the master in the use of templates (monteas泭and泭plantillas), and it was cheaper than cut stones for a basilical church that requires more templates. It has long been noted that Cantabrian and Basque masters played an important role in the diffusion of hall church designs in the sixteenth century and part of the seventeenth.[32]泭But it is also now possible to emphasise the special role of certain Cantabrian masters in the construction of hall churches. The workshop of Juan Gil de Honta簽籀n played a particularly important role in diffusing the type across Castile: his son, Rodrigo Gil de Honta簽籀n, built no fewer than fifteen churches of this type, while Juans disciple, Juan de Rasines (followed by his son, Pedro, and grandson, Rodrigo), also spread the model, especially at parish level.[33]
The second reason for the success of hall churches was economic. As numerous sources make clear, hall churches offered clear economic and structural advantages. In favouring this solution for Salamancas New Cathedral, Juan de Rasines and the sculptor Vasco de la Zarza declared:
If the work is done in this way it will be much stronger and smarter, since we see every day the omissions and errors in the old works because the nave and aisles are of unequal height, and how, if the aisles stay lower than the nave, the arches break and the arcades crack, as we can see every day in many parts. If it is done in the other way, the building remains very strong and safe and does not need any flying buttresses, and moreover costs are considerably reduced.[34]
The same advantages were also described by Rodrigo Gil de Honta簽籀n in the manuscript that informed Sim籀n Garc穩as famous late seventeenth-century泭Compendium of architecture and symmetry. In a section on hall churches, Garc穩a claimed:
When [the aisles] rise to a single height it means that such a body is headless; all is strong and good, being well-made and planned and conceived the building that rises to a single height is thus stronger because each part supports the other, which does not happen when the central vessel rises higher because the side aisles provide support to the central vessel, while the thrust of the aisles is met only by empty space, and is met instead by flying buttresses, and thus it cannot rise to a single height, to the detriment either of costs or lighting, which, were it of a single height would make one appreciate only the one aisle.[35]
In the end cathedral chapters proved relatively hostile to hall churches because they lacked the authority of the basilical model adopted by the great cathedrals such as Toledo and Le籀n. Enrique Egas, the royal architect from Toledo, summarised this position when he complained in 1533 that hall churches resemble a warehouse rather than a church.[36]泭It is probably for this reason that the hall church model was ultimately rejected for the cathedrals of Astorga, Salamanca, Segovia, and Las Palmas, Gran Canaria. Nevertheless, it was accepted in Plasencia, as we have seen, in Barbastro (Juan de Sari簽ena, ca. 1518), and in an important group of Andalusian cathedrals (Guadix, Baza, Baeza, Ja矇n and Almer穩a) (Fig. 10.8). It was also exported to cathedrals in Mexico City, the Yucat獺n, and Peru, albeit invariably with an Italianate泭硃梭梭a紳喧勳釵硃泭vocabulary rather than a Gothic or German one (Fig. 10.9).[37]泭However, at parish level, the model was widely accepted, especially for growing new towns and villages.[38]泭Such churches were impressive and cheaper to build than basilican churches, whilst still providing sufficient space for burial. Indeed, Rodrigo Gil de Honta簽籀n (via Simon Garc穩a) directly connected the choice of hall churches to their funerary use.[39]
Rodrigo Gil de Honta簽籀ns own works testify to the tremendous vitality of this form. He built numerous hall churches, in the provinces of Valladolid, Guadalajara, Le籀n, Madrid, Palencia and Segovia. Through his designs and those of other Castilian architects, such as Juan de Rasines in Soria and La Rioja and Juan Mart穩nez de Mutio in the Basque Country, the typology of Hallenkirchen was adopted in a vast number of Castilian villages in the early modern period. It was a phenomenon of rapid imitation, in which parish churches adopted a model for their design that satisfied the local population, clergy and patronsin other words, everyone involved. For example, the parish church of Villahoz, Burgos, offers a rather different example of a successful hall church design, one that served as the model for a whole series of churches along the River Odra in the diocese of Burgos. These include the churches of Santa Mar穩a in Sasam籀n, San Esteban in Los Balbases, la Asunci籀n in Melgar del Fernamental and San Juan in Castrojeriz.[40]泭Such churches were planned at the end of the fifteenth century with a basilical plan and apse, but in a second phase of construction, under the influence of nearby Villahoz, they were continued as hall churches.[41]泭Francisco de Colonias interventions can perhaps be detected in the main portals of some of these churches, as at Villahoz (Fig. 10.10). The current state of research does not allow us to speculate further about the role of Juan de Colonias grandsonborn in Burgos to the son of an inhabitant of Burgosin the dissemination of the model of hall churches throughout Castile.
Clearly, then, it is still not possible to state with confidence how the model of the hall church came to Castile. Architects assuredly played a key role in church design, but numerous other factors also affected it. Ambitious churches in sixteenth-century Castile came about as the result of the economic efforts of whole communities and persons with diverse agendas: designers and patrons were both concerned with questions of safety, rapidity and efficiency, tradition and imitation. The arrival and dissemination of hall church designs in Castile can only be understood as a combination of these factors.
Citations
[1]泭On the origins of泭hallen泭in Germany and Central Europe, see Kurt Gerstenberg,泭Deutsche Sondergotik泭(M羹nchen, 1913); Elisabeth Fink,泭Die gotische Hallenkirchen in Westfalen泭(Emsdetten: Lechte, 1934); Friedhelm Wilhelm W. Fischer,泭Unser Bild von der sp瓣tgotischen Architektur des XV.泭Jahrunderts泭(Heidelberg: C. Winter, 1984); Norbert Nussbaum,泭Deustche Kincherbaukunst der Gotik. Entwicklung und Bauformen泭(Cologne: DuMont Buchverlag, 1985); Constanza Caraffa, Le Hallenkirchen tardogotiche dell織Alta Sassonia. Annaberg e la sintesi di vecchio e nuovo, in泭L織architettura del Tardogotico in Europa.泭Atti del Seminario Internazionale泭(Milan: Guerini e associati, 1995), pp.137-143; Gunter Brucher,泭Gotische Baukunst in sterreich泭(Salzburg: Residenz Verlag, 1990). For Rome, see A. T繹nnesmann and U.V. Fischer Pace, Santa Maria della Piet獺. Die Kirche desCampo Santo Teutonico in Rom, in泭Der Campo Santo Teutonico in Rom泭(Freiburg: Verlag Herder, 1988), 2: pp.302-305; R. Samperi, La fabrica di Santa Maria dell織Anima e la sua facciata,泭Annali di Architettura, Rivista del Centro Internazionale di Studi di Architettura Andrea Palladio di Vicenza泭14 (2002): pp.109-128. Also see Bego簽a Alonso Ruiz,泭Arquitectura tardog籀tica en Castilla: los Rasines泭(Santander: Universidad de Cantabria, Colegio Oficial de arquitectos de Cantabria, 2003), pp.107-113.
[2]泭Pius II,泭Comentarii泭(Libro IX, cap.24): tres, ut aiunt, naves aedem perficiunt, media latior est, altitudo omnium par: ita Pius iusserat, qui exemplar apud germanos in Austria vidisset. Venustius ea res et luminosius templum reddit. Cited in Eug癡ne M羹ntz,泭Les Arts la cour des Papes pendant le XVe et el XVIe si癡cle泭(Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlag, 1983), p. 358.
[3]泭Bego簽a Alonso Ruiz, Santiago de los Espa簽oles y el modelo de iglesia sal籀n en Roma, in Carlos J. Hernando S獺nchez (ed.),泭Roma y Espa簽a. Un crisol de la cultura europea en la Edad Moderna泭(Madrid: Sociedad Estatal para la Acci籀n Cultural Exterior, 2007), 1: pp. 173-188.
[4]泭See Vicente Lamp矇rez y Romea,泭Juan de Colonia.泭Estudio Biogr獺fico-Cr穩tico泭(Valladolid: Imp. La Nueva Pincia, 1904). See also Javier G籀mez Mart穩nez, El arte de la montea entre Juan y Sim籀n de Colonia, in泭Actas del Congreso Internacional sobre Gil de Siloe y la escultura de su 矇poca泭(Burgos: Instituci籀n Fern獺n Gonz獺lez,泭Academia Burgense de Historia y Bellas Artes泭, 2001), pp. 356-57; Robert Bork,泭Skyscrapers of the New Jerusalem: The Great Spires of Gothic Europe泭(Cologne: Kolner Architekturstudien, 2003), p. 259; Mar穩a Pilar Garc穩a Cuetos, Una s穩ntesis de la arquitectura de torres europea: La fachada de la catedral de Oviedo y la llegada de las flechas caladas a Castilla,泭Ars Longa, 22 (2013), pp. 27-42. For another point of view, see Nicol獺s Men矇ndez Gonz獺lez, Sunder von vil andern grossen berumbte maisteren. Las obras de la capilla de la Visitaci籀n y la fachada de la catedral, marco de la aparici籀n de Juan de Colonia en la ciudad. La reestructuraci籀n del taller catedralicio (h.1444-1447), in泭1514. Arquitectos tardog籀ticos en la encrucijada泭(Seville: Editorial Universidad de Sevilla, 2016), pp. 92-106.
[5]泭Mi voluntad es que no se mezcle con la otra obra ninguna cosa fran癟isa, ni alemana ni morisca sino que todo sea romano. In泭Epistolario del Conde de Tendilla (1504-1506), eds. Jos矇 Szmolka Clares, Mar穩a Amparo Moreno Trujillo, Mar穩a Jos矇 Osorio P矇rez (Granada, Universidad de Granada, 1996), p. 504.
[6]泭Studien zur spanischen Architektur der Sp瓣tgotik泭(Reutlingen: Gryphius-Verl, 1933); Die Hallenkirchen der Sp瓣tgotik und der Renaissance im mittleren und n繹rdlichen Spanien,泭Zeitschrift f羹r Kunstgeschichte泭4 (1935): pp. 214-227 and泭Die spanischen Hallenkirchen der Sp瓣tgotik und der Renaissance. I. Alt- und Neukastilien泭(T羹bingen: Kunsthistor. Institut d. Universit瓣t, 1953).
[7]泭Claudia Ruckert, Georg Weise y la Hallenkirche espa簽ola,泭Anales de Historia del Arte, volumen extraordinario (2009), pp. 339.
[8]泭Rafael C籀mez Ramos, La iglesia de Santa Isabel de Marburgo del Lahn, un ejemplo del nacionalismo en la Historia del Arte,泭Laboratorio de Arte泭16 (2013): p. 19.
[9]泭See Jan Bialostocki, Late Gothic: Disagreements about the concept,泭Journal of the British Archaeological Association泭29 (1966): pp. 76-105; Caraffa, Le hallenkirchen tardogotiche dell織Alta Sassonia, pp. 137-41; C籀mez Ramos, La iglesia de Santa Isabel, p. 19; 泭and Robert Bork,泭Late Gothic Architecture. Its Evolution, Extinction and Reception泭(Turnhout: Brepols, 2018), pp. 423-425.
[10]泭H. J. Kunst, Hall church, in Jane Turner (ed.),泭The Dictionary of Art泭(New York: Grove, 1996), 14: p. 80.
[11]泭C籀mez Ramos, La iglesia de Santa Isabel, p. 18.
[12]泭Alonso Ruiz,泭Arquitectura tardog籀tica en Castilla,泭p.20.
[13]泭R羹ckert, George Weise, p. 341.
[14]泭See Vicente Lamp矇rez y Romea,泭Historia de la arquitectura cristiana espa簽ola en la Edad Media seg繳n el estudio de los elementos y los monumentos, 3rd ed. (Valladolid: mbito, Junta de Castilla y Le籀n, 1999), 2: p. 178, where he wrote that el sistema de naves iguales adquiere su generalidad en el final del siglo XV, sin duda por la invasi籀n de artistas alemanes y borgo簽ones.
[15]泭For alternative historiographic models, consider Castor de Uriartes assertion that hall churches with columnar supports were Basque in origin, or the long historiography on Hispano-Islamic features in Late Gothic architecture. See Castor de Uriarte,泭Las iglesias sal籀n vascas del 繳ltimo per穩odo del g籀tico泭(Vitoria, 1978); Roberto Gonz獺lez Ramos, The Hispano-Islamisms of Juan Guas. The fabrication of a Historiographical Stereotype,泭Mirabilia Ars 2. El poder de la Imagen. Ideas y funciones de las representaciones art穩sticas泭(2015): pp. 105-139.
[16]泭The Hispanic bibliography was collected in Julio J. Polo S獺nchez, El modelo Hallenkirchen en Castilla, in Bego簽a Alonso Ruiz (coord.),泭La arquitectura tardog籀tica castellana entre Europa y Am矇rica泭(Madrid: S穩lex, 2011), pp. 281-312.
[17]泭See, for example, B. Bevan,泭Historia de la arquitectura espa簽ola泭(Barcelona: Reverte, 1950), p. 199; urea de la Morena, Iglesias columnarias con b籀vedas de crucer穩a en la provincia de Madrid,泭Anales del Instituto de Estudios Madrile簽os泭8 (1972): pp. 1-9; Jos矇 Luis Pano Gracia, Introducci籀n al estudio de las Hallenkirchen en Arag籀n,泭Artigrama泭1 (1984): pp. 113-45; Jos矇 Luis Pano Gracia, Arquitectura religiosa aragonesa durante el siglo XVI: las Hallenkirchen o iglesias de planta de sal籀n,泭Artigrama泭4 (1987): pp. 327-39; Jos矇 Luis Pano Gracia, El modelo de planta de sal籀n: origen, difusi籀n e implantaci籀n en Am矇rica, in Mar穩a del Carmen Lacarra (ed.),泭Arquitectura religiosa del siglo XVI en Espa簽a y Ultramar泭(Zaragoza: Instituci籀n Fernando el Cat籀lico, 2004), p. 40; Fernando Mar穩as,泭El largo siglo XVI. Los usos art穩sticos del Renacimiento espa簽ol泭(Madrid: Taurus, 1989), p. 106. Javier G籀mez Mart穩nez,泭El G籀tico espa簽ol de la Edad Moderna. B籀vedas de crucer穩a泭(Valladolid: Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Valladolid, 1998), p. 206, identified the phenomenon with the work of Juan and Sim籀n de Colonia in the area around Burgos.
[18]泭Fernando Chueca Goitia,泭La Catedral nueva de Salamanca. Historia documental de su construcci籀n.泭(Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, 1951), pp. 76-77; Fernando Chueca Goitia,泭Historia de la arquitectura espa簽ola.泭Edad Antigua. Edad Media泭(Madrid, 1965), pp. 393-394; Jos矇 ngel Barrio Loza y Jos矇 Gabriel Moya Valga簽籀n, El modo vasco de producci籀n arquitect籀nica en los siglos XVI-XVII,泭Kobie泭10 (1980): p. 315; C籀mez Ramos, La iglesia de Santa Isabel, pp. 15-16; Alonso Ruiz,泭Arquitectura tardog籀tica en Castilla, p. 113.
[19]泭Polo S獺nchez, El modelo Hallenkirchen en Castilla, pp. 281-312.
[20]泭They include the Benedictine abbey church of Yuso in San Mill獺n de la Cogolla, La Rioja; the church of San Benito in Alc獺ntara, C獺ceres, which belonged to the military order of the same name; and the Dominican church of Santillana del Mar, Cantabria. See G籀mez Mart穩nez,泭El G籀tico Espa簽ol de la Edad Moderna, p. 220. Cathedrals based on 喧堯梗泭hallen泭model in Spain are Plasencia (C獺ceres), Almer穩a, Guadix, Ja矇n, M獺laga, Baza and Baeza.
[21]泭Chueca Goitia,泭Historia de la arquitectura espa簽ola,泭pp. 341-53 and Mar穩as,泭El largo siglo XVI, p. 101.
[22]泭Alfonso Jim矇nez Mart穩n, Los primeros a簽os de la catedral de Sevilla, in Bego簽a Alonso Ruiz (ed.),泭Los 繳ltimos arquitectos del G籀tico泭(Madrid, 2010), pp. 15-69.
[23]泭Alfonso Jim矇nez Mart穩n, Las fechas de las formas, in泭La catedral g籀tica de Sevilla: Fundaci籀n y f獺brica de la obra nueva泭(Seville: Universidad de Sevilla, 2006), p. 52.
[24]泭Jim矇nez Mart穩n, Las fechas, pp. 70; 76.
[25]泭See Bego簽a Alonso Ruiz and Alfonso Jim矇nez Mart穩n, Tra癟a de la iglesia de Sevilla泭(Seville: Excmo. Cabildo Metropolitano, 2009); Bego簽a Alonso Ruiz and Alfonso Jim矇nez Mart穩n, A Fifteenth-Century Plan of the Cathedral of Seville,泭Architectural History泭55 (2012): pp. 57-77.
[26]泭Juan Clemente Rodr穩guez Est矇vez, El g籀tico catedralicio. La influencia de la catedral en el arzobispado de Sevilla, in Alfonso Jim矇nez Mart穩n (ed.),泭La piedra postrera. Simposio Internacional sobre la catedral de Sevilla en el contexto del g籀tico final,泭vol. 1,泭Ponencias泭(Seville: Tvrris Fort穩ssima, 2007), pp.175-255.
[27]泭Pablo De la Riestra,泭La Catedral de Astorga y la arquitectura del G籀tico alem獺n泭(Astorga: Museo de la Catedral de Astorga, 1992), pp. 32-35; Die Kathedrale von Astorga und die Architektur der deutschen Gotik,泭Mitteilungen der Carl Justi-Vereinigung泭6 (1994): pp. 109-11; La catedral de Astorga y sus referentes alemanes, in Christian Freigang (ed.),泭Gotische Architektur in Spanien. La arquitectura g籀tica en Espa簽a泭(Frankfurt am Main and Madrid: Iberoamericana Vervuert, 1999), pp. 273-88; La catedral de Astorga y sus trazas germanas, in泭Simposio sobre la catedral. Astorga, 9-11 de agosto de 2000泭(Astorga: Centro de Estudios Astorganos Marcelo Mac穩as, 2001), pp. 157-71.
[28]泭泭Javier Ib獺簽ez Fern獺ndez and Jorge Andr矇s Casab籀n,泭La catedral de Zaragoza de la Baja Edad Media al primer quinientos. Estudio documental y art穩stico泭(Zaragoza: Fundaci籀n Teresa de Jes繳s, 2016), pp. 144, 186-87.
[29]泭Que al癟ase el cruzero en el mesmo alto que la capilla, de manera que moviesen las bueltas de la capilla y del cruzero de un alto y la ordenan癟a fuese como a el le pares癟iese, con tal que haga el hedifi癟io nuevo responsyon para adelante. See Ana Castro Santamar穩a, El problema de las trazas de la Catedral de Plasencia, in泭VIII Centenario de la Di籀cesis de Plasencia (1189-1989). Jornadas de Estudios Hist籀ricos泭(Plasencia: Obispado, 1990), pp. 467-76.
[30]泭Ana Castro Santamar穩a, La pol矇mica en torno a la planta de sal籀n en la Catedral de Salamanca,泭Academia泭75 (1992): pp. 389-422; Alonso Ruiz,泭Arquitectura tardog籀tica en Castilla, pp. 118-28.
[31]泭John D. Hoag,泭Rodrigo Gil de Honta簽籀n. G籀tico y Renacimiento en la arquitectura espa簽ola del siglo XVI泭(Marid: Xarait, 1985), p. 20.
[32]泭Chueca Goitia,泭La Catedral nueva de Salamanca, pp. 76-77; De la Morena, Iglesias columnarias con b籀vedas, pp. 1-9; Barrio Loza and Moya Valga簽籀n, El modo vasco, p. 315; Hoag,泭Rodrigo Gil de Honta簽籀n, pp. 20-21; Antonio Casaseca Casaseca,泭Rodrigo Gil de Honta簽籀n (Rascafr穩a 1500-Segovia, 1577)泭(Valladolid: Junta de Castilla y Le籀n, 1988); Julio J. Polo S獺nchez El modelo hallenkirchen en la arquitectura religiosa del Norte Peninsular: el papel de los trasmeranos, in Mar穩a del Carmen Lacarra (ed.),泭Arquitectura religiosa del siglo XVI en Espa簽a y Ultramar泭(Zaragoza: Instituci籀n Fernando el Cat籀lico, 2004), pp. 189-236.
[33]泭Polo S獺nchez, El modelo Hallenkirchen en Castilla; Casaseca Casaseca,泭Rodrigo Gil, pp. 45-66; Miguel ngel Zalama Rodr穩guez,泭La arquitectura del siglo XVI en la provincia de Palencia泭(Palencia: Diputaci籀n Provincial, 1990), pp. 89-91. For Juan de Rasines and his family, see Alonso Ruiz,泭Arquitectura tardog籀tica en Castilla, pp. 136-39.
[34]泭Hazi矇ndose de este parecer la obra, ser獺 muy m獺s fuerte y m獺s galana por quanto vemos cada d穩a las faltas e hierros que ay en las obras antiguas por no quedar en alto las tres naves, y quedando baxas las unas m獺s que las otras azen quebrar los arcos y rebentar los pilares torales, lo qual se puede ver cada d穩a en muchas partes, y hazi矇ndose de esta manera queda muy fuerte y segura y no tiene necesidad de ning繳n arco botante e dem獺s desto se ahorra mucha costa. See Chueca Goitia,泭La Catedral nueva de Salamanca, p. 72.
[35]泭Quando van a un alto significa que el tal cuerpo es sin cabeza; todo es fuerte y bueno estando bien fabricado y monteado y estribado yendo as穩 a un alto es el edificio m獺s fuerte porque se ayuda uno a otro lo qual no hace cuando la principal sube m獺s porque es menester que desde la colateral se le de fuerza a la mayor e desde la ornacina a la colateral, lo cual se da con arbotantes y acese asi que no se puede subir a un alto, o por menoridad de gastos o por las luces, que si fuesen a un alto no se podr穩an dar que gozase m獺s de la una nave. See Sim籀n Garc穩a,泭Compendio de architectura y simetr穩a de los templos conforme a la medida del cuerpo humano con algunas demostraciones de Geometr穩a. A簽o de 1681. Recoxido de diversos autores naturales y estrangeros por Sim籀n Garc穩a architecto, natural de Salamanca, pp. 35-36, Ms 8884, fol. 8v, Biblioteca Nacional de Espa簽a, Madrid,泭http://bdh-rd.bne.es/viewer.vm?id=0000042291&page=1. In Cuenca, in 1554, Sancho de Legarra offered a very similar testimony about the advantages of constructing the church of San Clemente as a Hallenkirche; see Chueca Goitia,泭La Catedral nueva de Salamanca, p. 316.
[36]泭porque la iglesia no quedaba alumbrada como conviene, y parescer穩a antes otra cosa que iglesia yo e visto iglesia de tres naves que mueven las dos hornezinas y la de en medio de una altura y, en verdad, que tiene m獺s corte de bodega que no de iglesia. Enriques comments survive as part of the discussions regarding the design of Salamanca Cathedral; two years earlier, Diego de Ria簽o claimed that hall churches were not suitable for cathedrals: mande llamar cinco o seis [arquitectos], los m獺s 獺biles que aya en Espa簽a, que sepan qu矇 cosa son obras de iglesia catedral. See Alonso Ruiz,泭Arquitectura tardog籀tica en Castilla, pp. 134-5.
[37]泭G籀mez Mart穩nez,泭El G籀tico Espa簽ol de la Edad Moderna, pp. 209-10.
[38]泭Alonso Ruiz,泭Arquitectura tardog籀tica en Castilla, p. 136.
[39]泭Algunos abisados modernos suelen mirar la gente que ay en el tal pueblo, y si es de trato que tengan entendido que se aumentar獺n, y conforme 獺 regla de ganancias, de 10 a 20, o de 30 por 100. Suelen diuidir la grandeza dando a cada vecino su sepultura de 7 pies de largo y 3 de ancho, y m獺s otra ter癟ia parte de los que as穩 salen. Supongo que es para un pueblo de 100 vezinos, que son aora, y s獺case que en 100 a簽os aumentar獺n 30, son 130, pues cada uno de 7 de largo y 3 de ancho, son 3.640 quadrados, habi矇ndole a簽adido la una tercia parte para la disposici籀n y paseos; pues de esta manera se podr獺 ver que aya de tener un templo para el tal pueblo, porque si fuere como paralelogramo, pu矇dese saber qu矇 pies cuadrados tiene y la longitud y latitud que a menester; diremos que le cabr獺n treinta de ancho y 120 de largo su lado u nabe, y m獺s un terzio de pi矇; en esto no ser獺 menester mirar de estos rostros. As穩 que por esta regla se podr獺n hacer otros cualesquiera. See Sim籀n Garc穩a,泭Compendio de architectura,泭pp. 25-26.
[40]泭In an initial phase, at the end of the fifteenth century, Melgar del Fernamental had a plan with a nave, aisles and transepts. See Elena Mart穩n Mart穩nez de Sim籀n, Arquitectura religiosa tardog籀tica en la provincia de Burgos (1440-1511) (PhD diss. University of Burgos, Spain, 2016), p. 149. As she notes on p. 148, the church of San Esteban de Los Balbases began as a structure with a nave and aisles of five bays, later modified with the addition of an apse, crossing, and the setting of the first three bays of the nave and aisles at the same height.
[41]泭Francisco de Colonia was responsible for transforming Villahozs basilical plan into a hall church. See Polo S獺nchez El modelo hallenkirchen en la arquitectura religiosa, pp. 211-14; Elena Mart穩n Mart穩nez de Sim籀n and Ren矇 J. Payo Hernanz, La actuaci籀n de Francisco de Colonia en la iglesia de Nuestra Se簽ora de Villahoz, Burgos, in Bego簽a Alonso Ruiz (coord.),泭La arquitectura tardog籀tica castellana entre Europa y Am矇rica泭(Madrid: S穩lex, 2011), pp. 149-57.
DOI: 10.33999/2019.54