In the final pages of the General Summary that concludes泭Some Account of Gothic Architecture in Spain, the British scholar and architect, George Edmund Street, remarked on the combination of imitation and invention that characterises so much medieval architecture across Europe, Spain included:
Just as we obtained a French architect for our Canterbury, as the people of Milan obtained one from Germany for their cathedral, as the architect of S. Mark at Venice borrowed from the East, as he of Perigueux from S. Mark, as he of Cologne from Amiens or Beauvais, so Spain profited, no doubt, from time to time, by the example of her French neighbours. But at the same time she formed a true branch of art for herself, and one so vigorous, so noble, and so worthy of study, that I shall be disappointed indeed if her buildings are not ere long far more familiar than they now are to English Ecclesiologists.[1]
Street would indeed be disappointed, for there has been no major scholarly survey of Spanish Gothic architecture in English since泭Some Account泭was published in 1865.[2]泭Gothic Architecture in Spain: Invention and Imitationthe fruit of a workshop, symposium and three lectures held at 51做厙 from 2015 to 2017is in no sense intended to be a substitute for Streets magnificent study. But it is hoped that for Anglophone scholars and studentsand indeed those working in any languagethis essay collection may draw attention to the quality and vitality of recent scholarship on Gothic architecture in Spain, and encourage further research on the tremendous variety and interest of Gothic buildings in the Iberian Peninsula. In this Introduction I will briefly set out some of the key themes of the essay collection, exploring the architectural and rhetorical significance of invention and imitation, and then unpicking some of the issues raised by the idea of Gothic architecture in Spain. I conclude with a sketch of some of the early historiography of Gothic architecture in Spain (especially in the English-speaking world), followed by short summaries of individual essays. Extensive bibliographic references in the notes will, I hope, provide useful orientation for those new to this field.
Invention and Imitation
In modern English, invention and imitation stand at opposite poles of creativity. For the Oxford English Dictionary, to imitate is to take or follow as a model; to invent is to create or design something (something that has not existed before); be the originator of. But in Latin rhetorical theory and throughout most of the Middle Ages,泭imitatio泭and泭inventio泭were much closer in meaning, albeit rarely applied to architecture before the sixteenth century.[3]泭For Cicero and his many medieval followers, invention meant finding, or the selective gathering up of ideas: If we reconsider the origin of the word, what else does it sound like if not that to invent (invenire) is to come upon (in泭+泭venire) that which is sought for? asks St Isidore.[4]泭Imitatio, meanwhile, was a creative act, referring to the adaptation of well-chosen models, and a pre-condition for泭inventio.[5]泭As Jos矇 Antonio Maravall brilliantly demonstrated, this definition of泭inventio泭and celebration of泭imitatio泭in no sense imply that modernity or novelty were not prized in medieval and Renaissance Spain, but in architectural contexts terms such as泭ars,泭ingenium泭and泭opus泭approximate more closely to the modern sense of invention.[6]泭To speak of imitation, meanwhile, is to recognise the agency of patrons and artists, who were very far from being the passive recipients of the influenceFrench, German, Flemish, Italian, Byzantine, Jewish, Islamic or otherthat has so often been discerned in Spains aluvial art.[7]泭In their medieval senses,泭imitatio泭and泭inventio泭instead combine to produce something rather similar to Richard Krautheimers famously fluid definition of the medieval copy.[8]泭The essays in this collection consider ideas of泭inventio泭and泭imitatio泭as well as invention and imitation in their modern senses.
One way to identify invention and imitation in relation to Gothic architecture in Spain is to consider structures that were intended or said to be built ad modum et formam as another.[9]泭This formula and its variations were widely and loosely employed, but in a Spanish context it is used especially tellingly in two letters sent by James II of Aragon regarding the tomb he intended to share with his late wife, Blanche of France, in the Cistercian Abbey of Santes Creus near Tarragona. Dated 16 January 1313, the near-identical letters to Pere, abbot of Santes Creus, and Pere de Prenafeta, the mason in charge of the tomb, insist that the canopy of Blanches tomb be made of the same mode and form and measurements according to which the canopy of the tomb of the aforesaid king Peter, our father, is made and constructed.[10]泭As built, the canopy over Blanches tomb is indeed generally similar to that beneath which Jamess father, Peter III of Aragon, had been buried in 1302 (Figs. 1.1 and 1.2).[11]泭Deliberate similarity was a feature of several dynastic pantheons in thirteenth-century Europe and in this case was particularly desirable as James was Peters second son, long absent in Sicily. But there are also differences between the canopies: Blanche and Jamess is taller, it has generous sprays rather than nobbly capitals, and the tracery motifs are sharpened and owe more to the new work at Saint-Nazaire de Carcassonne than to the structures in Troyes or Toulouse with which the tracery of Peters tomb-canopy is most closely affiliated.[12]泭It is clear then that Jamess prescriptions left space for discreet泭inventio泭on the part of his masons, and a subtle critique and updating of the style and forms of Peters tomb.
Peters and Blanches tombs, located within a few metres of one another in the same church, could be easily compared by King James, his masons and others. The same applies for the chapel of sent Joan Batiste (Saint John the Baptist) in Valencia Cathedral, begun in 1414, and its recorded model, the chapel of Santa Anna in the same cathedral.[13]泭But as Krautheimer showed, numbers and measurements could be transmitted across much greater distances with relative ease, enabling a form of numerical泭imitatio.[14]泭Spanish medieval examples of this phenomenon include 喧堯梗泭Codex Calixtinuss泭record of dimensions and enumeration of architectural elements in the cathedral of Santiago de Compostela; the early fourteenth-century annotations to 喧堯梗泭Anales toledanos泭(III), giving measurements of several Roman churches and monuments; the recreation of Jerusalems topography just outside C籀rdoba, coordinated by the Dominican friar, lvaro de C籀rdoba (d. 1430), with distances between chapels very close to those in Jerusalem; or the Record of the sizes of the church and offices of Toledo, Seville and Le籀n cathedrals, collected in Segovia in the sixteenth century.[15]
Other features were not so readily imitated from afar, and their transmission depended on memory, verbal or written descriptions, or drawings. Evidence for the latter can be found in documents related to Bernat Dalguaires journey to Avignon in 1346, made shortly after he was hired to begin construction on Tortosas new Gothic cathedral. Along the way he made several drawings, and on his return spent seven days preparing a new project to show to the bishop and chapter, working with planks, nails and three assistants on what may have been a three-dimensional model or a full-scale plan.[16]泭Such drawings or models, in turn, assumed an authority of their own, as Encarna Montero discusses in her essay in this collection. Thus, in September 1424 it was agreed that the upper section of the bell tower of Valencia Cathedral should be made according to the form and manner of the drawing (mostra) made by him (Mart穩 Llobet, master of Valencia Cathedral) and given to the said chapter and traced out (喧娶硃癟硃餃硃) by him in the garden of Pere Daries.[17]
Other forms of architectural copying, sometimes at the recorded request of the patron, are discussed in other essays in this collection, especially those by Costanza Beltrami and Nicol獺s Men矇ndez. But I will conclude this section with one more example that demonstrates both泭imitatio泭and泭inventio泭at a relatively modest scale. In July 1420, Juan Rodr穩guez de Lebrija and Mart穩n Mart穩nez signed a contract to make the portal for the church of San Juan de la Palma in Seville, following and in the manner that the portal of the church of San Esteban in this city is made and worked.[18]泭They also agreed to make a bell tower like that which is made in the church of Santa Ana de Triana.[19]泭The original towers do not survive at either church, but the portals are clearly alike, and are typical of a dozen or so parish churches in medieval Seville (Figs. 1.3 and 1.4).[20]泭In both portals eight shafts rise in each jamb and carry eight orders of relatively plain mouldings, all beneath a hood moulding ornamented with large dog-tooth ornament. There is no tympanum. Two small image niches are set in the spandrels above, with another central niche and a horizontal corbel table higher up. At San Esteban the corbel table and central niche were altered in the seventeenth century, but even without these changes, a number of small differences between the medieval portals can nonetheless be discerned. Unlike the canopies at Santes Creus, these modifications do not obviously speak to artistic invention, but serve to underline the point that泭imitatio泭in the Middle Ages was never exact. More significantly, perhaps, the pick and mix selection of elements at San Juanits tower based on SantAna de Triana and its portal modelled on San Estebanssits well with the rhetorical definition of泭inventio泭as the gathering up of suitable models, like Zeuxiss painting of Helen, based on five beautiful maidens from Croton, cited in Ciceros泭De inventione.[21]泭It may also suggest that the conformity of so many parish churches in Seville, C籀rdoba and elsewhere was led by patrons, not masons.
Gothic Architecture in Spain
These essays are intended to be a point of entry into the study of Gothic architecture in Spain, not a survey. Essays range from the early thirteenth century to the mid-sixteenth century, from Palma de Mallorca to Le籀n and Seville, but readers might reasonably quibble with all sorts of omissions: what about early Gothic architecture in Galicia and Le籀n, fourteenth-century Catalonia or Navarre, late-medieval Andalusia or Aragon, or even sixteenth-century Mexico, amongst many others?[22]泭And while the essays cover a wide variety of building types, including chapels, parish and monastic churches, colleges, palaces and cathedrals, treatment is inevitably uneven. Cathedrals arguably receive disproportionate treatment, while there is no consideration of mendicant architecture, and relatively little on secular buildings. If Gothic architecture were defined simply by the use of the pointed arch, then the new shipyards begun in Seville in 1252 and covering over fifteen thousand square metres would surely qualify as one of the most ambitious Gothic projects anywhere in Europe (Fig. 1.5).[23]泭Moreover, Guillem Sagreras designs for the Llonja in Palma or the late-medieval additions to the Aljafer穩a in Zaragoza testify to the extraordinary inventiveness of Gothic architecture in mercantile and palatial contexts in medieval Iberia (Figs 1.8 and 1.9).[24]泭It is hoped that readers will be encouraged to investigate these lacunae for themselves.
No less problematic, perhaps, is the decision to focus on Spain and exclude Portugal.[25]泭Felipe Pereda has drawn attention to a series of octagonal funerary chapels in late medieval Portugal that can only be properly understood through reference to Spanish precedents, for example.[26]泭The Cantabrian origins of one of the most prolific architects of Manueline Portugal, Jo瓊o de Castilho (Juan de Castillo), also testifies to the movement of architects across the border between Spain and Portugal, while clergy and royal brides also frequently traversed the frontier.[27]泭Yet with the exception of one brief, contested interlude in the 1380s, Portugal was an independent kingdom throughout the period covered by these essays, and for this reason Gothic architecture in Portugal is not discussed in these essays, though it certainly deserves a study of its own. Moreover, architects and patrons also travelled regularly between Spain, France, England, Burgundy, the Holy Roman Empire and the Italian states, so in some respects any history of art that is premised on modern national boundaries is flawed. Can we then really speak of Spain in the Middle Ages? It is true, of course, that Spain itself did not become a political reality until 1516, and, even then, it could hardly be considered united. But the idea of泭楚莽梯硃簽硃泭or泭Hispania泭certainly was recognized throughout the period covered by these essays, and Spain (rather than Iberia, which was almost never used in the Middle Ages) has the advantage of being concise and recognisable, without seeking to paper over the contested politics of the modern nation state that is home to many of the scholars cited in this essay collection.[28]泭
So should it be Gothic Architecture in Spain, or Spanish Gothic Architecture? Some years ago Fernando Mar穩as drew attention to a small number of fifteenth- and sixteenth-century sources that apparently refer to a distinct Spanish style: Hieronymous Monetarius description of the roof of the cloister of Zamora Cathedral, gilded ad ritum [sic] Hispanorum (1495); Antonio de Lalaings description of new houses in Granada, which were to be built la fachon des maisons dEspaigne (1502); a 1502 contract for a painting in Rome ad modum Yspaniae; and a contract for capitals al modo che core in Spagna for the Casa de Pilatos (1529).[29]泭Despite Mar穩ass cautionary comments, scholars have since enthusiastically adopted the idea of architecture ad modum Hispaniae.[30]泭It should be noted, however, that none of the texts cited above refers to Gothic architecture (most seem to refer instead to domestic, possibly Mud矇jar contexts), and although in this collection Henrik Karge and Bego簽a Alonso both highlight distinctive features of Gothic architecture in Spain at particular moments, any attempt to define a Spanish style for the whole of the Gothic period would simply flatten the tremendous variety of architecture to which these essays collectively bear witness. In the section that follows I will trace the earliest uses of the term Gothic in the Spanish context, before briefly sketching some of the early historiography of Gothic architecture in Spain.
From Modern to Gothic
As Mar穩as has highlighted, one of the earliest Spanish uses of the term Gothic in reference to architecture can be found in Juan Bravo de Acu簽as unpublished Libro de la fundaci籀n de la sancta yglesia de Toledo, dated 1604, in which a plan of Toledo Cathedral is accompanied by a caption that reads, Its style (modo) of architecture is Gothic, which vulgarly is called modern to differentiate it from the Greek and Latin.[31]泭This terminology almost certainly derived from Vasari, whose泭Vite泭were well known in in late sixteenth-century Toledo (and who himself collected plans of several Spanish Gothic churches).[32]泭De Acu簽a was by no means the first person in Spain to distinguish a Gothic style, however. Medieval Spanish texts frequently refer to Gothic laws, Gothic Gaul or Gothic script, as in 喧堯梗泭Cr籀nica de San Isidoro泭of c.1385, in which letras goticas are differentiated from letras griegas.[33]泭But it was not until the sixteenth century that exposure to Italian ideas helped to introduce a new vocabulary of stylistic discrimination in relation to art and architecture in Spain.
A key role in the introduction of Italian forms and ideas was played by 簽igo L籀pez de Mendoza, the second Count of Tendilla (14421515), who spent time in Rome as a teenager, and again as an ambassador in the 1480s. He was closely associated with many of the earliest Italian Renaissance tombs in Spain, but also oversaw construction of Granadas royal chapel in a late Gothic idiom (indeed, he condemned the chapels original plan as too dark, narrow and short, una amarga cosa).[34]泭In 1505 簽igo wrote to Alonso Rodr穩guez,泭maestro mayor泭of Seville Cathedral, regarding the tomb of 簽igos brother, Cardinal Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, asking for a drawing showing the form and manner (forma y manera) of the tomb and insisting that nothing French, German or Moorish shall be mixed with the work, but that it should all be Roman.[35]泭Although this suggests a rather modern definition of style based on national or confessional characteristics, Patrick Lenaghan has cautioned that the Count of Tendilla seems to have understood this Roman style as no more than superficial decorative features grafted onto a Gothic structure, easily learnt or adopted by a master who was more familiar with Gothic architectural traditions.[36]泭The same is implied by the city ordinances of Seville (1512), which required that those responsible for plaster decoration could work in diverse manners (de diversas maneras), whether in the Roman or geometrical styles (de lazo).[37]
In late sixteenth-century Spain, modern or German was still preferred to Gothic to describe architecture, especially in opposition to the Roman style. For example, in his translation of Vitruvius, drafted in Granada in 1577, L獺zaro de Velasco wrote that there are several types (maneras) of churches suitable for Christian use, which are either the Roman style (modo Romano) that has been used in Spain, or the Teutonic style (modo tudesco) or of Germany, which they call modern (al Moderno), or the Roman use (uso Romano), which is employed now.[38]泭Meanwhile, in the brief history of the arts in his widely circulated泭Varia commensuraci籀n para la escultura y arquitectura泭(1585), the goldsmith Juan de Arfe described how a new style of architecture was introduced following the Gothic invasions and collapse of Rome. This, he explained, was barbaric work (obra barbara), known as masonry work or cresting (llamada ma癟oneria o cresteria), or according to others, modern work (obra moderna), with which they built the cathedrals of Toledo, Le籀n, Salamanca, Burgos, Palencia, vila, Segovia and Seville.[39]
By the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Gothic was widely used in Spain and elsewhere to describe medieval architecture, albeit not without confusion. For example, in 1669, the diplomat and cleric Fran癟ois Bertaut, educated in Spain, opined that Seville Cathedral had been built more by the Goths than by the Moors.[40]泭Modern scholars would most likely describe the tower of La Magdalena in Zaragoza as Mud矇jar, but in his泭Discursos practicables del nobil穩simo arte de la pintura泭of c. 1675, Jusepe Mart穩nez described the tower as 獺 manera g籀tica, and distinguished between Gothic and modern (Renaissance) styles.[41]泭Meanwhile, Madame dAulnoys widely read泭Relation du Voyage dEspagne泭(1691) offered a back-handed compliment to Burgos Cathedral, where the Architecture is so exquisitely wrought, that it may pass amongst the Gothick Buildings for a Master-Piece of Art: and this is so much the more remarkable, in that they build very sorrily in Spain.[42]
Vasaris association of Gothic architecture with Goths and Visigoths had been clarified for French readers as early as 1687, when Jean-Fran癟ois F矇libien distinguished between the solid, ancient Gothic style of architecture (what we might now call pre-Romanesque) and the delicate effects of modern Gothic (equivalent to the modern sense of the word)a clarification that found its way into Spanish via a translation of Charles Rollins泭Histoire ancienne, published in Antwerp in 1745.[43]泭By this point the merits of Gothic architecture had been recognised by a small but important minority of French and English scholars who also offered alternatives models for its origins. As Matilde Mateo Seville has argued, the idea that Gothic architecture derived from Islamic architecture can be traced in France to 1679 and in England to 1713, and, early in the second decade of the eighteenth century, the French theologian and philosopher Ren矇-Joseph Tournemine formulated the notion that Gothic architecture had been invented in Spain by Christian architects who imitated their Muslim neighbours.[44]泭Ideas about Gothic architectures Sarracenic origins were not, however, widely disseminated until publication of Christopher Wrens泭Parentalia泭in 1750 and Diderots泭Encyclop矇die泭the following year.[45]
This is not the place to explore fully the attitudes to Spains Gothic buildings among seventeenth- and eighteenth-century travellers from abroad, and most anyway largely passed from brief praise of architecture to marvel at the riches of church treasuries or peculiarities of local rituals.[46]泭But it should be noted that British scholars and their correspondents played an important and early role in the appreciation of Gothic architecture in Spain. In the 1740s Horace Walpoles Austrian friend, Johann Heinrich M羹ntz, travelled to Valencia and Zaragoza and made sketches of Gothic or Mud矇jar churches.[47]泭Several drawings of Gothic and Islamic buildings also survive from Thomas Pitt the Youngers detailed notes on his tour of Spain and Portugal in 1760notes and drawings that apparently circulated relatively widely in Enlightenment England.[48]
These scholars and travellers helped to lay the foundation for a comprehensive reassessment of Gothic art and architecture in Spain in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century amongst a circle of influential Spanish scholars that includes Diego de Villanueva, Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos, Antonio de Capmany, Eugenio de Llaguno, Isidoro Bosarte, and especially Antonio Ponz.[49]泭In the very first volume of 喧堯梗泭Viaje de 楚莽梯硃簽硃泭(1772), Ponz applauded the proportions, solidity and elegance of Toledo Cathedrals Gothic architecture, citing Vasaris arguments for its German origins.[50]泭For Ponz it was the proposed neo-classical designs for Toledo Cathedral that were barbarous, and his intervention may have swayed the Toledan chapter the following year when they decided to restore the cathedrals west fa癟ade in the same Gothic as the original church (Fig. 1.6).[51]泭But it is in his account of Le籀n Cathedral in volume eleven of 喧堯梗泭Viaje de 楚莽梯硃簽硃, published in 1783, that Ponzs most eloquent celebration of Gothic architecture is found (Fig. 1.7). Praising its delicacy and the elegance of its ornament, he concluded that the plan and elevations of the church are those habitual to the Gothic style or, to speak properly, of the German (style), for that is what we vulgarly call Gothic.[52]泭Meanwhile, the Baroque remodelling of Le籀n Cathedrals presbytery prompted Ponz to deplore how little the Gothic period has been valued for most of our century.[53]
The subsequent historiography of Gothic architecture in Spain has been well-studied by Matilde Mateo and others, and the number of scholars and publications is anyway too copious to consider properly in this Introduction.[54]泭But a brief roll call of the most important scholars of Gothic architecture in Spain would include Juan Agust穩n Ce獺n Berm繳dez, Jos矇 Caveda, George Edmund Street, Vicente Lamp矇rez, lie Lambert, and Leopoldo Torres Balb獺s, amongst many others.[55]泭Special mention should also be made of the archaeologist and literary historian, Jos矇 Amador de los R穩os (181678), who in 1859 first formulated the idea of Mud矇jar architecture, a term that has since been widely employed to describe art or buildings made for Christian patrons but that refer to Andalusi visual and artistic traditions.[56]泭Although the essays in this collection only occasionally touch on overlaps between Gothic and Mud矇jar traditions, the question of Islamic influence or assimilation has been a constant of all scholarship on Spanish medieval art since the nineteenth century.[57]
Scholarship on cross-confessional encounters and artistic pluralism has, indeed, been especially robust in the Anglophone world, especially since the quincentennial celebrations of 1992 and the renewed reflection prompted by 9/11 and the Madrid bombings of 2004.[58]泭So given that scholars in the US and UK have long maintained interests in Romanesque art and architecture and the Spanish Golden Age, it might reasonably be asked why so few Anglophone scholars since G. E. Street have seriously engaged with Gothic architecture in Spain.[59]泭This can be partly explained by the excellence of Streets study and its multiple editions, by long-standing perceptions of French and Italian cultural superiority (now increasingly challenged by the rise of Hispanic culture in the US), by British scholars focus on Gothic architecture in Britain after World War II, by the endurance of the Black Legend, by the legendary inaccessibility of Spanish archives, and by the teaching and scholarship of a few influential individuals in other areas of Spanish art history (notably John Williams and Jonathan Brown in recent years).[60]泭But with regards to the study of Gothic architecture in Spain the exception perhaps proves the rule, at least in the UK, for the only major twentieth-century publication in English since Streets is John Harveys泭The Cathedrals of Spain泭(1957).[61]泭Harvey was one of the leading scholars of English Gothic architecture in post-war England and his book contains a number of original observations, even if it is set out like a guide book.[62]泭But Harveys conservatism made him an unpopular figure for many in Englands liberal post-war universities, and in 2008 Graham Macklin revealed that Harvey had in fact been closely linked with the Fascist movement in the 1930s and 1940s.[63]泭It is unclear to what extent Harveys political connections extended into Franquist Spain, and his prejudices do not surface clearly in泭The Cathedrals of Spain, but medievalists who knew Harvey nonetheless confirm anecdotally that many were deterred from working on Spanish Gothic architecture because of its association with Harvey and with Francos regime.[64]泭泭泭
In Spain itself, Gothic architecture has traditionally played second fiddle to Romanesque. Compare the twenty-seven volumes of泭Catalunya rom獺nica, published with the support of the autonomous Catalan government between 1984 and 1998, and the ten volumes of泭LArt gotic a Catalunya, begun only in 2002. The government of Navarre demonstrated similar priorities, supporting publication of the lavishly illustrated泭El arte rom獺nico en Navarra泭in 2004, followed by泭El arte g籀tico en Navarra泭in 2015. But the clearest example of Spains preference for the Romanesque is the massive泭Enciclopedia del Rom獺nico, so far published in fifty-two volumes by the Fundaci籀n Santa Mar穩a la Real in Aguilar de Campoo (Palencia) and covering all of Spain and Portugal.[65]泭There is simply no equivalent for Gothic architecture.
Despite these reservations, and the long-term consequences of the economic crash in 2008 (not least the paucity of jobs for post-doctoral students and of research leave for academics), this seems like a golden moment in the study of Gothic architecture in Spain. This is particularly noticeable in the flurry of recent conferences and publications on architecture of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, and in the publication of newly discovered written and graphic sources.[66]泭The professional lives of several prominent late Gothic architects have also been studied, and the vexed question of the relationships between泭Sondergotik泭and Catalan Gothic has received new scrutiny.[67]泭Beginning with Henrik Karges seminal study of Burgos Cathedral (1989), early Gothic architecture in the peninsula has also been newly studied, especially in the last twenty years.[68]泭Eduardo Carrero and others have done much to revitalise the study of relationships between Gothic architecture, ceremony and urbanism,[69]泭while holistic studies of art and architecture have been attempted for some regions and buildings.[70]
Besides many other achievements, these recent studies have done much to draw attention to the inventiveness of Gothic architecture in Spainoften prompted by imitation of one kind or another.[71]泭Amongst other examples, we might cite the rib vaults of the P籀rtico de la Gloria at Santiago de Compostela, transformed into a vision of the Apocalypse (Fig. 1.10).[72]泭Or the carefully downsized replica of Notre-Dame in Paris at the collegiate church at Roncesvalles (Fig. 1.11).[73]泭Or the presbytery at Toledo Cathedral, where the triforium offers a Gothic translation of Andalusi designs, and the vaults employ additional decorative ribs some years before the earliest lierne vaults in England (Fig. 1.12).[74]泭Or the twisting Solomonic columns employed in churches and markets in the Crown of Aragon, inspired by Solomons Temple, and stereotomically complex (see Fig. 1.8).[75]泭Or the tremendous variety of tracery designs in the great cloisters at Lleida and Vic Cathedrals (Fig. 1.13).[76]泭Or the unusual plan of Pamplona Cathedral, with an irregular pentagonal eastern bay, and four huge and hexagonal vaults that unite the ambulatory and radiating chapels (Fig. 1.14).[77]泭Or the unprecedented width of the nave vaults of Gerona Cathedral (Fig. 1.15).[78]泭Or the precocious popularity of hall churches right across the peninsula.[79]泭It is impossible to do justice here to the creativity of Gothic architecture across Spain, but these examples, chosen more or less at random, offer some hint of the potential for further study. In the final section of this Introduction I will summarise the contribution of the essays in this collection to this burgeoning field.
The Essays
The nine essays are arranged in approximately chronological order. In the first essay, The Sumptuous Style: Richly-Decorated Gothic Churches in the Reign of Alfonso the Learned, Henrik Karge examines the abundant vegetal ornament in Rayonnant architecture in the Crown of Castile. Karges pioneering monograph on Burgos Cathedral (1989) and subsequent studies of Las Huelgas and Le籀n Cathedral helped to set a new standard for the rigorous scrutiny of building archaeology, written sources, and architectural contexts. Beginning with a careful study of the cloister of Burgos Cathedral, Karge here argues for the existence of distinct workshops of figural and decorative sculptors in Gothic building lodges. From Burgos he moves to Las Huelgas, Ca簽as, Le籀n, Cuenca and Toledo, and links the sumptuous style he identifies in these buildings to the court of King Alfonso X of Castile and his imperial ambitions. Invention and imitation in Rayonnant buildings in Castile must be understood, he suggests, in relation to well-established traditions of ornament in the Iberian Peninsula, but also in the context of the networks of architects and patrons that stretched across the peninsula and into France and the Holy Roman Empire.
Javier Mart穩nez de Aguirres research and publications encompass both Romanesque and Gothic traditions and range impressively widely across the Spanish kingdoms. His essay, The King, the Architects and the Philosopher: Invention泭in Mallorcan Architecture around 1300 explores the design and early construction history of two extraordinary architectural projects in Mallorca: the cathedral of Palma, initiated in 1306, and Bellver Castle, begun at similar date. The geometry, numerology and orientation of Palma Cathedrals unusual east end are considered in relation to devotion to the Incarnation and to the Trinity, and thence to the contemporary Mallorcan scholar Raymond Llull, especially his泭Liber de Trinitate et Encarnatione泭and泭Liber de geometria nova et compendiosa. Ultimately Mart穩nez concludes that innovation at Bellver and Palma occurred in their planning stages, and that both projects may reveal a distant awareness of Llulls ideas, with King James II as patron and possible intermediary.
In Architectural Practice in Spain 13701450: Documents and Drawings, Encarna Montero offers the first summary in Englishalbeit here focused on architecture, and expanded with new evidence and ideasof her important PhD and subsequent book on the transmission of artistic knowledge in Spain between 1370 and 1450. She draws on new evidence from across the peninsula, and especially from the rich archival holdings in Tortosa and Valencia that have been explored with renewed energy in recent years. With detailed study of apprenticeships and architectural drawings, she considers how innovation or imitation might have been encouraged by or despite long apprenticeships, and the role of architectural drawings in transmitting ideas and establishing new forms of architectural authority. Her recent discoveries in Valencia, Tortosa and elsewhere underline how much Spain has to offer historians of Gothic architecture more widely.
The fourth essay in the collection is by Amadeo Serra Desfilis, who has in many ways spearheaded the recent resurgence of medieval art history in Valencia, and done much to clarify artistic relationships between Italy and Spain in the late Middle Ages and early Renaissance. Patterns of intention: Royal Chapels in the Crown of Aragon (Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries) and the Capilla de los Reyes in the Convent of Saint Dominic, Valencia focuses on the remarkable royal chapel in the convent of Saint Dominic of Valencia, built between 1439 and 1463. Comparisons with the British Librarys Psalter and Hours of Alfonso V, and with royal chapels in the crowns of Aragon and Castile, make possible a series of observations about the chapels function and institutional structure. The chapels spare grey walls and extraordinary diamond vaults are linked to the Dominican ideal of intense spirituality promoted by Saint Vincent Ferrer, and contrast with the rich settings of the relics that were kept and perhaps displayed in the chapel. Although it corresponds broadly to a wider typology of royal chapels in the Crown of Aragon, the royal chapel at the convent of Saint Dominic incorporates a number of innovations that can be understood as a response to the Mediterranean ambitions of Alfonso V and of the city of Valencia.
In Inventio泭and泭Imitatio: the Appropriation of Valois Style by a泭Converso泭Contador Mayor, Nicola Jennings takes a holistic look at the funerary chapel of Fern獺n L籀pez de Salda簽a in the convent of Santa Clara de Tordesillas, begun in 1430. Jenningss research explores relationships between Spain and northern Europe in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries across a range of media, and here she focuses on an ensemble in which maestre泭Guill矇n de Roh獺n (probably from Rouen) and Isambart (documented in Picardy in 1399 and subsequently associated with a number of Spanish lodges) seem to have played an important role. Reconstructing the chapels original design, she argues that the patrons choice of Norman and Flemish masons, stone-carvers and sculptors resulted in a mix of invention and imitation of Valois style which can be linked to Salda簽as dynastic ambitions and fluctuating political fortunes.
Diana Olivares Mart穩nez shifts attention to collegiate architecture in the sixth essay, New Functions, New Typologies:泭Inventio泭in Valladolids College of San Gregorio. Olivares completed her doctoral study of the college in 2018 and has been extremely active in publishing on aspects of late medieval architecture and patronage, organising symposia and conference sessions, and editing an important volume of essays on art and architecture circa 1200. Her essay focuses on the College of San Gregorio in Valladolid, founded in 1487 by Alonso de Burgos and built by an anonymous but extremely creative architect. She examines the colleges layout in relation to earlier traditions of colleges in Spain and beyond, as well as domestic and monastic complexes, and connects the prominent heraldry and varied and inventive designs of the colleges courtyard, chapel and portal to Alonsos concerns to assert his status and express architectural magnificence.
Essay seven, Imitating a Model, Establishing an Identity: Copying San Juan de los Reyes at San Andr矇s, Toledo, shows how patrons sought the prestigious associations of San Juan de los Reyes by imitating its distinctive architectural idiom in the chapels they commissioned. Costanza Beltrami recently completed her PhD at 51做厙 and has published on aspects of late medieval architecture in Rouen. Her thesis seeks to re-examine the artistic identity of Juan Guas, one of the most celebrated architects of late medieval Spain. In this essay she focuses particularly on the capilla mayor of the Toledan parish church of San Andr矇s and its little-known clever adaptation of Guass designs for San Juan. This should be understood, she argues, not only as the casual consequence of shared (and undocumented) master masons, but also in relation to the career and family of San Andr矇ss chief patron, Francisco de Rojas.
Turning to another eminent late Gothic architect and dynasty, Nicol獺s Men矇ndez Gonz獺lez considers modifications to the design of the church of the royal Carthusian monastery of Miraflores, near Burgos, after Sim籀n de Colonia assumed control of the project begun in the 1460s by his father Juan. Redesigning Miraflores: Sim籀n de Colonias Architectural Perception teases out the churchs relationship with Santa Mar穩a de las Cuevas in Seville, on which the church of Miraflores was explicitly modelled, and relates the churchs enrichment under Sim籀n to the patronage of Queen Isabella. Innovative details of the churchs fa癟ade and vault design are related to its setting and function as a royal funerary chapel, and reveal Sim籀ns careful reflection on the designs of his father. The essay thus forms part of Men矇ndezs wider assessment of the Colonia dynasty, the subject of his doctoral thesis and recent book.
Bego簽a Alonso Ruiz contributes the collections final essay, which appropriately includes a number of reflections on the historiography of Gothic architecture in Spain. Through multiple publications, conferences and edited volumes, Alonso has played a key role in establishing the vibrancy of the field of late Gothic architecture in Spain in recent years. Hallenkirchen泭and Spanish Gothic Architecture: Historiographic Invention and Architectural Imitation revisits the subject of hall churches across Spain, from the thirteenth century through to the sixteenth. Alonso explores the wider European context for the development of hall churches, and the ways in which Spanish examples have been understood in relation to German泭Hallenkirchen. The success of the type can be linked to a number of key architects and workshops, she suggests, but also depends on the relative economy with which impressive architectural effects could be created in parish churches.
Together these essays offer new and multiple visions of Gothic architecture in Spain, and explore the dynamic relationships between invention and imitation, architects and patrons, production and reception. Inventive in their own right, the essays nonetheless draw on the work of scholars old and new, and it is hoped that they will persuade readers of the interest of these buildings, and that Gothic architecture in Spainno less than the broader artistic culturedeserves and rewards further study.
Citations
[1] George Edmund Street, Some account of Gothic architecture in Spain (London: John Murray, 1865), p. 446.
[2] Some Account was, however, reprinted in 1869, 1914, 1969, 1980 and 2016, with Spanish translations in 1926 and 2015.
[3] Paul Binski, Notes on Artistic Invention in Gothic Europe, Intellectual History Review (2014): pp. 1-14, here p. 2; James S. Ackerman, Imitation, in Ackerman (ed.), Origins, imitation, conventions: representation in the visual arts (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2001), pp. 125-141, here p. 126; Jos矇 Antonio Maravall, Antiguos y modernos: visi籀n de la historia e idea de progreso hasta el Renacimiento (Madrid: Alianza, 1986), pp. 299-317; Hans-Joachim Schmidt (ed.), Tradition, Innovation, Invention: Fortschrittsverweigerung und Fortschrittsbewusstsein im Mittelalter (Berlin; New York: Universit矇 de Fribourg. Institut des 矇tudes m矇di矇vales, 2005), esp. pp. 7-49. In the context of Gothic architecture in Spain, see Henrik Karge, De Santiago de Compostela a Le籀n: modelos de innovaci籀n en la arquitectura medieval espa簽ola. Un intento historiogr獺fico m獺s all獺 de los conceptos de estilo, Anales de Historia del Arte (Ejemplar dedicado a: Cien a簽os de investigaci籀n sobre arquitectura medieval espa簽ola) 1 Extra (2009): pp. 165-196; Amadeo Serra Desfilis, Promotores, tradiciones e innovaci籀n en la arquitectura valenciana del siglo XV, Goya: Revista de arte 334 (2011): pp. 58-73. Inventio and imitatio were used in relation to imaginary architecture, however: Mary J. Carruthers, The Poet as Master Builder: Composition and Locational Memory in the Middle Ages, New Literary History 24: 4 (1993): pp. 881-904.
[4] Isidore of Seville, Etymologiae as The Etymologies of Isidore of Seville, trans. Stephen Barney (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), Book X, section 122, p. 220. For a Spanish medieval theory of rhetorical invention, see Martinus Cordubensis, Breve compendium artis rethorice (sic), Ms 9309, fols 132-133v, Biblioteca Nacional de 楚莽梯硃簽硃.
[5] Jan Ziolkowski, The Highest Form of Compliment: Imitatio in Medieval Latin Culture, in Marenbon (ed.), Poetry and philosophy in the Middle Ages: a festschrift for Peter Dronke (Leiden; Boston: Brill, 2001), pp. 293-307. Also see Alina Alexandra Payne, Architects and Academies: Architectural Theories of imitatio and the Debates on Language and Style, in Clarke and Crossley (eds.), Architecture and language: constructing identity in European architecture, c.1000-c.1650 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp. 195-202; Mario Carpo, How Do You Imitate a Building That You Have Never Seen? Printed Images, Ancient Models, and Handmade Drawings in Renaissance Architectural Theory, Zeitschrift f羹r Kunstgeschichte 64: 2 (2001): pp. 223-233; Christian Freigang, Imitatio in Gothic Architecture: Forms versus Procedures, in Opai and Timmerman (eds.), Architecture, Liturgy, and Identity. Album Amicorum Paul Crossley (Turnhout: Brepols, 2011), pp. 297-313.
[6] Maravall, Antiguos y modernos, pp. 25-71; Alexandra Gajewski, The Choir of Auxerre Cathedral and the Question of a Burgundian Gothic Architecture, Journal of the British Archaeological Association 171: 1 (2018): pp. 34-60, here pp. 41-2 (and bibliography therein); Binski, Notes on Artistic Invention, pp. 2, 7-9.
[7] See, for example, Fernando Chueca Goitia, Invenci籀n y asimilaci籀n en el arte espa簽ol, in Rumeu de Armas, Dom穩nguez Ortiz, Seco Serrano and Benito Ruano (eds.), 楚莽梯硃簽硃: reflexiones sobre el ser de 楚莽梯硃簽硃 (Madrid: Real Academia de Historia, 1997), pp. 535-546, here p. 538.
[8] Richard Krautheimer, Introduction to an Iconography of Mediaeval Architecture, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 5 (1942): pp. 1-33 and Paul Crossley, Medieval architecture and meaning: the limits of iconography, Burlington magazine 130: 1019 (1988): pp. 116-122.
[9] The phrase had been used in architectural contexts since at least the early eleventh century. See Victor Mortet and Paul Deschamps, Recueil de textes relatifs lhistoire de larchitecture et la condition des architectes en France au moyen 璽ge. XI-XII si癡cles (Paris: A. Picard, 1911), p. 29. For its use in Spain see, for example, Peter the Ceremoniouss request in July 1338 for unum mapam mundi ad modum seu formam alterius illorum qui sunt in domo episcopi Valentie subtilibus figurati in Francisco M. Gimeno Blay, Si necessitat sesdevenia a escriure. Escritura y gobierno en la Corona de Arag籀n (siglo XIV), in Sarasa S獺nchez (ed.), Monarqu穩a, cr籀nicas, archivos y canciller穩as en los reinos hispano-cristianos: siglos XIII-XV (Zaragoza: Instituci籀n Fernando el Cat籀lico, 2014), pp. 185-222, here p. 215n117.
[10] ad modum et formam et de easdem mensuras quibus tabernaculum sepulture dicti domini regis Petri, patris nostri, factum est et constructum. In September 1312, James had written to Bertran Riquier, master of works on Barcelonas royal palace, asking him to measure Peters tomb and begin preparations for a new tomb, similis illi in quo sepultum est corpus illustrissimi domini regis Petri. These documents are now helpfully collected at http://santescreus.mhcat.cat/ca/el-projecte/apendix-documental-documentacio-medieval (accessed 1 February 2019), here docs. 83, 88 and 89.
[11] For the date of the translation see http://santescreus.mhcat.cat/ca/el-projecte/apendix-documental-documentacio-medieval (accessed 1 February 2019), doc. 34.
[12] Tom Nickson, The royal tombs of Santes Creus. Negotiating the royal image in medieval Iberia, Zeitschrift f羹r Kunstgeschichte 72: 1 (2009): pp. 1-14, here pp. 8-9.
[13] Primerament que lo dit en Pere Torregrosa sia tengut fer e fara una capella bella e notable, en lo loch de la capella de sent Joan Batiste, dins la seu, de la altitud amplea e forma de la de Sta Anna en la dita seu. See Encarna Montero Tortajada, La transmisi籀n del conocimiento en los oficios art穩sticos: Valencia 1370-1450 (Val癡ncia: Instituci籀 Alfons el Magnnim, 2015), p. 123; Jos矇 Sanchis Sivera, La escultura valenciana en la Edad Media, notas para su historia, Archivo de arte valenciano 10 (1924): pp. 3-29, here p. 29.
[14] Krautheimer, Introduction, pp. 10-13.
[15] Paula Gerson, De qualitate aecclesiae: Architectural Description in the Pilgrims Guide to Santiago de Compostela, in Nicolai and Rheidt (eds.), Santiago de Compostela: Pilgerarchitektur und bildliche Repr瓣sentation in neuer Perspektive (Oxford: Peter Lang, 2015), pp. 31-41, here pp. 37-40; Antonio C. Floriano, Anales Toledanos III, Cuadernos de Historia de 楚莽梯硃簽硃 43-44 (1967): pp. 154-187, here pp. 178-9; Felipe Pereda, Measuring Jerusalem: The Marquis of Tarifas Pilgrimage in 1520 and its Urban Consequences, Citt e Storia 7 (2012): pp. 77-102, here p. 94; Mar穩a Teresa Cort籀n de las Heras, La Construcci籀n de la Catedral de Segovia (1523-1607) (Segovia: Caja de Ahorros y Monte de Piedad de Segovia, 1997), p. 52.
[16] Mar穩a Vict簷ria Almuni i Balada, La Catedral de Tortosa als segles del G簷tic (Barcelona: Fundaci籀 Noguera, 2007), 1: pp. 72-73. A slightly later drawing, marked en Antoni Guarc: mostra a portar, shows a plan for the new cathedral that differs from the extant structure, and in 1375, Andreu Juli, master mason at Tortosa and Valencia Cathedrals, was sent to visit several cities, and made a drawing of the bell tower of L矇rida Cathedral. See Almuni i Balada, La Catedral de Tortosa, 1: pp. 104-6, 117, 455-6.
[17] segons la forma e manera de la mostra per ell (Llobet) feta e donada al dit capitol e 喧娶硃癟硃餃硃 per ell mateix en lort den Pere Daries. See Arturo Zaragoz獺 and A. Garc穩a, El dibujo de proyecto en 矇poca medieval seg繳n la documentaci籀n archiv穩stica: el episodio g籀tico valenciano, in Docci (ed.), Il disegno di progetto dalle origini al XVIII secolo (Rome: Gangemi, 1993), pp. 41-44, here pp. 42-43.
[18] segund e en la manera que est獺 fecha e obrada la portada de la eglesia de Sant Esteuan desta dicha ibdat. See I. R穩os Collantes de Ter獺n and Antonio S獺nchez de Mora, El mud矇jar en la iglesia parroquial de San Juan Bautista, vulgo de la Palma: a prop籀sito de un documento, Laboratorio de Arte: Revista del Departamento de Historia del Arte 11 (1998): pp. 405-420, here p. 412.
[19] tal commo el que est獺 fecho en la esglesia de Santa Agna de Triana. See R穩os Collantes de Ter獺n and S獺nchez de Mora, El mud矇jar, p. 412.
[20] For this group see Alfredo J. Morales, Los inicios de la arquitectura mud矇jar en Sevilla, in Morales (ed.), Metropolis totius hispaniae. 750 aniversario de la incorporaci籀n de Sevilla a la corona castellana (Seville: Ayuntamiento de Sevilla, 1998), pp. 91-106.
[21] Cicero, De inventione (Book II, part 1, i), discussed in Binski, Notes on Artistic Invention, p. 1. Compare Gabriel Byng, The Dynamic of Design: Source Buildings and Contract Making in England in the Later Middle Ages, Architectural History 59 (2016): pp. 123-148, here pp. 134-35.
[22] For Gothic architecture in Mexico, see, for example, Ana Mar穩a Lara Guti矇rrez, La Arquitectura g籀tica de la nueva 楚莽梯硃簽硃, in Jim矇nez Mart穩n (ed.), La piedra postrera. V centenario de la conclusi籀n de la Catedral de Sevilla. Ponencias (Seville: Tvrris Fortissima, 2007), pp. 281-303.
[23] Leopoldo Torres Balb獺s, Atarazanas hispanomusulmanas, al-Andalus 11 (1946): pp. 175-209, here pp. 196-203.
[24] Joan Domenge i Mesquida, Guillem Sagrera et lo modern de son temps, Revue de lart 166: 4 (2009): pp. 77-90, here p. 86; Carmen G籀mez Urd獺簽ez, El palacio de los Reyes Cat籀licos. Descripci籀n art穩stica, in Caba簽ero Subiza (ed.), La Aljafer穩a (Zaragoza: Cortes de Arag籀n, 1998), pp. 229-287.
[25] For an attempt at a pan-Iberian bibliography of medieval art and architecture see Tom Nickson, Art of Medieval Iberia, in Oxford Bibliographies Online, DOI: 10.1093/OBO/9780199920105-0140 (accessed 5 November 2019).
[26] Felipe Pereda, Entre Portugal y Castilla: la secuencia formal de las capillas ochavadas de cabecera en el siglo XV, in Guillaume (ed.), Demeures d矇ternit矇: 矇glises et chapelles fun矇raires aux XVe et XVIe si癡cles. Actes du colloque tenu Tours du 11 au 14 juin 1996 (Paris: Picard, 2005), pp. 49-64.
[27] Mar穩a Ealo de S獺 and Alberto Luna, El arquitecto Juan de Castillo: el constructor del mundo (Santander: Colegio Oficial de Arquitectos de Cantabria, 2009). See, for example, Ana Maria S.A. Rodrigues, The Treasures and Foundations of Isabel, Beatriz, Elisenda, and Leonor: The Art Patronage of Four Iberian Queens in the Fourteenth Century, in Mart穩n (ed.), Reassessing the Roles of Women as Makers of Medieval Art and Architecture (Brepols: Brill, 2012), pp. 903-934; Mar穩a Victoria Herr獺ez and Mar穩a Dolores Teijeira, Entre Castilla y Portugal. El patronazgo de Vasco Fern獺ndez de Toledo (1362), Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies 10: 3 (2018): pp. 341-363.
[28] Jos矇 Antonio Maravall, El concepto de 楚莽梯硃簽硃 en la Edad Media (Madrid: Instituto de Estudios Pol穩ticos, 1964).
[29] Fernando Mar穩as Franco, El largo siglo XVI: los usos art穩sticos del renancimiento espa簽ol (Madrid: Taurus, 1989), pp. 98-99; Ludwig Pfandl, Itinerarium Hispanicum Hieronymi Monetarii, 1494-1495, Revue Hispanique 48 (1920): pp. 1-179, here p. 101; Louis Gachard, Collection des voyages des souverains des Pays-Bas (Brussels: F. Hayez, 1876), vol. 1, p. 205; Fernando Mar穩as Franco, La magnificencia del m獺rmol. La escultura genovesa y la arquitectura espa簽ola (siglos XV-XVI), in Boccardo, Colomer and Di Fabio (eds.), 楚莽梯硃簽硃 y G矇nova obras, artistas y coleccionistas (Madrid: Fernando Villaverde Ediciones Centro de Estudios Hisp獺nicos e Iberoamericanos, 2004), pp. 55-68, here p. 62.
[30] For a recent (and otherwise excellent) example, see Palma Mart穩nez-Burgos Garc穩a, El mecenazgo art穩stico de Cisneros: gusto y manera ad modum Yspaniae, in S獺nchez Gamero (ed.), Cisneros: arquetipo de virtudes, espejo de prelados (Toledo: Cabildo Primado, Catedral de Toledo, 2017), pp. 147-163.
[31] Fernando Mar穩as Franco, La memoria de la catedral de Toledo desde 1604: la descripci籀n de Juan Bravo de Acu簽a y la planta y dibujos ceremoniales de Nicol獺s de Vergara el Mozo, Anuario del Departamento de Historia y Teor穩a del Arte 21 (2009): pp. 105-120, here p. 119n30, implies that this term had already been employed in the Ep穩stola al Lector in M. Vitruvio Pollion, De architectura dividido en diez libros (Alcala de Henares: Juan Gracian, 1582), fol. 4v, but I can find no such reference.
[32] See Xavier de Salas and Fernando Mar穩as, El Greco y el arte de su tiempo: Las notas de El Greco a Vasari (Madrid: Real Fundaci籀n de Toledo, 1992); Giorgio Vasari and Virginia Stefanelli, La citt ideale: Piante di chiese [palazzi e ville] di Toscana e dItalia (Rome: Officina Edizioni, 1970); Jos矇 Mar穩a Guerrero Vega, El plano de Vasari de la catedral de Sevilla, in lvarez M獺rquez (ed.), La catedral g籀tica Magna Hispalensis: los primeros a簽os (Seville: Aula Hern獺n Ruiz, 2008), pp. 89-121.
[33] Regina Af Geijerstam and Cyntia M. Wasick (eds.), Cr籀nica de San Isidoro. Estocolmo D 1272a (Madison: Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies, 1995), fol. 117r, accessed 9 February 2019, http://www.hispanicseminary.org/t&c/cro/icr/text.icr1.htm.
[34] Emilio Meneses Garcia (ed.), Correspondencia del Conde de Tendilla (Madrid: Real Academia de la Historia, 1974), 1: p. 570; Patrick Lenaghan It shall all be Roman: early patrons of Italian Renaissance tombs in Spain, in Schroth (ed.), Art in Spain and the Hispanic world: Essays in honor of Jonathan Brown (London: Paul Holberton, 2010), pp. 213-234, esp. p. 220.
[35] Lenaghan It shall all be Roman, p. 232n2. See also Bego簽a Alonsos essay in this collection.
[36] Lenaghan It shall all be Roman, pp. 218-21.
[37] Ordenan癟as de Seuilla (1512): recopilacion de las ordenan癟as dela muy noble [et] muy leal cibdad de Seuilla (Seville: Juan Varela de Salamanca, 1527), fol. 151.
[38] Earl E. Rosenthal, The Cathedral of Granada. A study in the Spanish Renaissance (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961), p. 192, doc. 145; Antonio Urqu穩zar Herrera and Alicia C獺mara Mu簽oz, Renacimiento (Madrid: Editorial Universitaria Ram籀n Areces, 2017), pp. 44-5. The difference here between uso and modo is not clear.
[39] Juan de Arfe y Villafa簽e, Varia commensuraci籀n para la escultura y arquitectura (Seville: Andrea Percioni y Juan de Le籀n, 1585), Book 4, fols 2r-v. Juan de Arfes words carried a particular autobiographical relevance, for his grandfather, Enrique de Arfe, had in the early sixteenth century migrated to Castile from German lands, and the metalwork custodias and sceptres he made for Sahag繳n, Le籀n, C籀rdoba, Toledo and Oviedo constitute some of the most spectacular creations of late-Gothic microarchitecture in all of Europe. Juans vocabulary was in turn echoed in his brief biography by the artist and theorist Antonio Palomino, published in 1723, in which Palomino credited Juans father, Antonio, for abandoning this arquitectura b獺rbara g籀tica in favour of a Roman style. See Antonio Palomino de Castro y Velasco, El museo pictorico y escala optica (Madrid: Lucas Antonio de Bedmar, 1723), p. 393.
[40] Fran癟ois Bertaut, Journal du voyage dEspagne (Paris: Claude Barbin, 1669), p. 142.
[41] Jusepe Mart穩nez and Valent穩n Carderera, Discursos del nobil穩simo arte de la pintura (Madrid: Manuel Tello, 1866), pp. 170 and 179.
[42] Madame dAulnoy, Relation du voyage dEspagne (Paris: Claude Barbin, 1691), 1: p. 212. The translation is taken from Madame dAulnoy, The Ingenious and Diverting Letters of the Lady-(Marie Catherine, Baroness [or rather Countess] of Aulnoy) Travels into Spain The second edition (London: Samuel Crouch, 1692), p. 50. Whence the judgement that Burgos cathedral is justly reckoned, among the most elegant Pieces of Gothic Architecture: Udal Ap Rhys, An Account of the Most Remarkable Places and Curiosities in Spain and Portugal (London: J. Osborn et al, 1749), p. 31.
[43] Jean-Fran癟ois F矇libien, Recueil historique de la vie et des ouvrages des plus c矇l癡bres architectes (Paris: Widow of Sebastien Mabre-Cramoisy, 1687), preface; Charles Rollin, Rolin abreviado, 繫 compendio de la historia antigua (Antwerp: Marc Miguel Bousquet, 1745), 6: pp. 86-7. Mart穩n Sarmiento, Viaje a Galicia (1745) (Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad, 1975), p. 61, describes semi-circular arches in the Torre de Oeste in Catoira (Galicia), which, as they are not modern, must predate the Gothic structure or order (la f獺brica o orden g籀tico).
[44] Jean-Louis de Cordemoy, Nouveau trait矇 de toute larchitecture, ou lArt de bastir; Avec un dictionnaire des termes darchitecture, &c (Paris: Chez Jean-Baptiste Coignard, 1714), pp. 241-3; Matilde Mateo Sevilla, The Making of the Sarracenic Style: the Crusades and Medieval Architecture in the British Imagination of the 18th and 19th centuries, in Semaan (ed.), The Crusades: other experiences, alternate perspectives (Binghamton, N.Y.: Global Academic Pub., 2003), pp. 115-140.
[45] Matilde Mateo Sevilla, In Search of the Origin of the Gothic: Thomas Pitt織s Travel in Spain in 1760, Journal of Art Historiography 15 (2016): pp. 1-22, especially pp. 9-11.
[46] See, in general, Jos矇 Garc穩a Mercadal, Viajes de extranjeros por 楚莽梯硃簽硃 y Portugal (Madrid: Aguilar, 1952-62), and, for British travellers, Ian Robertson, Los Curiosos impertinentes. Viajeros ingleses por 楚莽梯硃簽硃, 1760-1855 (Madrid: Serbal, 1988).
[47] Mateo Sevilla, In Search, p. 11.
[48] Mateo Sevilla, In Search, pp. 15-18.
[49] See Ignacio Luis Henares Cu矇llar, Arqueolog穩a e historia del arte isl獺mico en el Siglo de las Luces. El informe de Jovellanos sobre los monumentos 獺rabes de Granada y C籀rdoba, Revista del Centro de Estudios Hist籀ricos de Granada y su Reino 2 (1988): pp. 165-176, here p. 175; Nieves Panadero Peropadre, Teor穩as sobre el origen de la arquitectura g籀tica en la historiograf穩a ilustrada y rom獺ntica espa簽ola, Anales de Historia del Art (Homenaje al profesor Dr. D. Jos矇 Mar穩a de Azc獺rate y Ristori) 4 (1993-1994): pp. 203-211; Jos矇 Enrique Garc穩a Melero, Literatura espa簽ola sobre artes pl獺sticas (Madrid: Encuentro, 2002); Ramon Grau i Fern獺ndez and Marina L籀pez i Guallar, Origen de la revaloraci籀 del g簷tic a Barcelona: Capmany, 1792, Barcelona quaderns dhist簷ria 8 (2003): pp. 143-177; Karge, De Santiago de Compostela a Le籀n, p. 169; Daniel Crespo Delgado, Un viaje para la Ilustraci籀n: el Viaje de 楚莽梯硃簽硃 (1772-1794) de Antonio Ponz (Madrid: Marcial Pons, 2012), pp. 233-41.
[50] Antonio Ponz, Viage de 楚莽梯硃簽硃 籀 Cartas en que se da noticia de las cosas mas apreciables, y dignas de saberse que hay en ella (Madrid: D. Joachin Ibarra, 1772), pp. 36-7.
[51] Ponz, Viage, pp. 44-5; Juan Luis Blanco Mozo, La restauraci籀n como problema: el arzobispo Francisco Antonio Lorenzana y Ventura Rodr穩guez ante las reformas de la catedral de Toledo (1774-1775), Anuario del Departamento de Historia y Teor穩a del Arte, Universidad Aut籀noma de Madrid 12 (2000): pp. 111-130, here p. 120.
[52] Antonio Ponz, Viage de 楚莽梯硃簽硃 (Madrid: Ibarra, 1783), pp. 219-20. See Crespo Delgado, Un viaje para la Ilustraci籀n, pp. 225-42. The echo (and inversion) of Christopher Wrens famous statement that what we now vulgarly call Gothic ought properly and truly be named Saracenic architecture (Christopher Wren, Parentalia (London: T. Osborne, 1750), p. 297) is striking. This must have been written before Ponzs journey to England in 1783, but had he already encountered Wrens writings? See M籀nica Bolufer Peruga, Visiones de Europa en el Siglo de las Luces: El Viaje fuera de 楚莽梯硃簽硃 (1785) de Antonio Ponz, Estudis: Revista de historia moderna 28 (2002): pp. 167-204.
[53] Ponz, Viage de 楚莽梯硃簽硃, p. 220. See, more broadly, Jos矇 Enrique Garc穩a Melero, Las catedrales g籀ticas en la 楚莽梯硃簽硃 de la Ilustraci籀n: La incidencia del neoclasicismo en el g籀tico (Madrid: Encuentro, 2002).
[54] See, most recently, Matilde Mateo Sevilla, The Moorish-Gothic Cathedral: Invention, Reality, or Weapon?, in Glaser (ed.), The Idea of the Gothic cathedral: interdisciplinary perspectives on the meanings of the medieval edifice in the modern period (Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols, 2018), pp. 47-80. See also Eduardo Carrero Santamar穩a, Teor穩a y m矇todo en la Historia de la arquitectura medieval. Algunas reflexiones, in Rossell籀 Bordoy (ed.), Seminari destudis hist簷rics 2007: Arqueologia de larquitectura (Palma de Mallorca: Societat Arqueol簷gica Lul繚liana, 2008), pp. 5-27; Genevi癡ve Barb矇-Coquelin de Lisle, El arte medieval espa簽ol visto por los historiadores del arte franceses en el siglo XX, in Caba簽as Bravo (ed.), El arte espa簽ol fuera de 楚莽梯硃簽硃 (Madrid: CSIC, 2003), pp. 453-458; Philippe Araguas, La arquitectura medieval espa簽ola vista por los <> franceses, Anales de Historia del Arte supplementary volume (2009): pp. 9-26; I簽igo Basarrate, The British discovery of Spanish Gothic architecture, Journal of Art Historiography 19 (2018): pp. 1-30.
[55] See, in particular, Juan Agust穩n Ce獺n Berm繳dez, Descripci籀n art穩stica de la Catedral de Sevilla (Seville: La viuda de Hidalgo y sobrino, 1804), pp. 17-18; Eugenio de Llaguno y Am穩rola, Noticias de los Arquitectos y Arquitectura de 楚莽梯硃簽硃 desde su Restauraci籀n (Madrid: Imprenta Real, 1829), 1: xxxi and pp. 34-168; Jos矇 Caveda, Ensayo hist籀rico sobre los diversos g矇neros de arquitectura empleados en 楚莽梯硃簽硃 desde la dominacion Romana hasta nuestros dias (Madrid: Saintiago Saunaque, 1849), pp. 249-417; Street, Some account; Vicente Lamp矇rez y Romea, Historia de la arquitectura cristiana espa簽ola en la edad media, seg繳n el estudio de los elementos y los monumentos, etc. (Madrid: Jos矇 Blass y C穩a, 1908); Vicente Lamp矇rez y Romea and 楚莽梯硃簽硃 Comisar穩a Regia del Turismo, La Catedral de Burgos (Barcelona: H. de J. Thomas, 1911); Vicente Lamp矇rez y Romea, Los grandes monasterios espa簽oles (Madrid: Saturnino Calleja, 1920); Vicente Lamp矇rez y Romea, Arquitectura civil espa簽ola de los siglos I al XVIII (Madrid: Saturnino Calleja, 1922); lie Lambert, LArt gothique en Espagne aux XIIe et XIIIe si癡cles (Paris: Henri Laurens, 1931); lie Lambert, tudes m矇di矇vales (Toulouse: Privat-Didier 1956-7); Leopoldo Torres Balb獺s, Arquitectura g籀tica (Madrid: Editorial Plus-Ultra, 1952); Leopoldo Torres Balb獺s, Obra dispersa (Madrid: Instituto de 楚莽梯硃簽硃, 1981-5) http://oa.upm.es/view/creators/Torres_Balb=E1s=3ALeopoldo=3A=3A.html.
[56] See especially Jos矇 Amador de los R穩os, Sevilla pintoresca o descripci籀n de sus m獺s c矇lebres monumentos art穩sticos (Seville: Francisco lvarez y C穠, 1844); Jos矇 Amador de los Rios, Toledo pintoresca (Madrid: Ignacio Boix, 1845); Jos矇 Amador de los R穩os, El estilo mud矇jar en la arquitectura discurso del Ilmo. Sr. D. Jos矇 Amador de los R穩os: leido en junta p繳blica de 19 de junio de 1859 (Madrid: Jos矇 Rodr穩guez, 1859); and scattered essays in Museo Espa簽ol de Antig羹edades (published in eleven volumes between 1872 and 1880) and Monumentos Arquitectonicos de 楚莽梯硃簽硃 (published in series, between 1859 and 1895). See Antonio Urqu穩zar Herrera, La caracterizaci籀n pol穩tica del concepto mud矇jar en 楚莽梯硃簽硃 durante el siglo XIX, Espacio, tiempo y forma. Serie VII, Historia del arte 22-23 (2009-10): pp. 201-216.
[57] See, among other studies, Mar穩a Judith Feliciano and Leyla Rouhi, Introduction: Interrogating Iberian Frontiers, Medieval Encounters 12: 3 (2006): pp. 317-328; Philippe Araguas, Brique et architecture dans lEspagne m矇di矇vale: XIIe-XVe si癡cles (Madrid: Casa de Vel獺zquez, 2003), pp. 137-41. At the conference from which this collection of essays is drawn, Elena Paulino Montero gave a paper on Architecture and aesthetic practices in fourteenth-century Castile, subsequently published as Elena Paulino Montero, Architecture and Artistic Practices in Fourteenth Century Castile: The visual memory of Alfonso XI and Pedro I under the first Trastamaran kings, La cor籀nica 45: 2 (2017): pp. 133-163.
[58] See, for example, Maya Soifer, Beyond convivencia: critical reflections on the historiography of interfaith relations in Christian Spain, Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies 1: 1 (2009): pp. 19-35.
[59] No major study has been published by French scholars since Lambert, LArt gothique (1931). For Romanesque studies by Anglophone scholars, see, for example, Arthur Kingsley Porter, Romanesque sculpture of the Pilgrimage Roads (Boston: Hacker Art Bks., 1965); Walter Muir Whitehill, Spanish Romanesque Architecture of the Eleventh Century (London; New York: Oxford University Press, 1941); Charles Little (ed.), The Art of medieval Spain, A.D. 500-1200 (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art; New York, 1993); Rose Walker, Art in Spain and Portugal from the Romans to the Early Middle Ages. Routes and Myths (Amsterdan: Amsterdam University Press, 2016).
[60] See Matilde Mateo Sevilla, Breaking the Myth: Toledo Cathedral on the International Stage, a Review, Journal of Art Historiography 17 (2017): pp. : pp. 2-5. For Spanish archives, see the preface to Peter Linehan, The Spanish Church and the papacy in the thirteenth century (London: Cambridge University Press, 1971).
[61] John Harvey, The Cathedrals of Spain (London: B. T. Batsford, 1957).
[62] His most important work is arguably John Harvey, English mediaeval architects: a biographical dictionary down to 1550 (Gloucester: Sutton, 1984).
[63] Graham Macklin, The two lives of John Hooper Harvey, Patterns of Prejudice 42: 2 (2008): pp. 167-190: esp. pp. 185-6, in which Macklin points to Harveys celebration of Edward Is expulsion of Jews from England in 1290 and the period of enlightened nationalism that followed.
[64] Harveys acknowledgements also reveal a network of friends with strong ties to Francos regime.
[65] Romanesque architecture is also especially well-served by numerous websites, of varying levels of academic reliability.
[66] See especially the publications listed by the research group, http://tardogotico.net (accessed 15 February 2019), including Alfonso Jim矇nez Mart穩n (ed.), La piedra postrera. V centenario de la conclusi籀n de la Catedral de Sevilla (Seville: Tvrris Fortissima, 2007); Bego簽a Alonso Ruiz (ed.), Los 繳ltimos arquitectos del g籀tico (Madrid: Marta Fern獺ndez-Ra簽ada, 2010); Bego簽a Alonso Ruiz (ed.), La arquitectura tardog籀tica castellana entre Europa y Am矇rica (Madrid: Silex, 2011); Bego簽a Alonso and Fernando Villase簽or Sebasti獺n (eds.), Arquitectura tardog籀tica en la corona de Castilla: trayectorias e intercambios (Seville: Universidad de Sevilla, 2014); Bego簽a Alonso Ruiz and Juan Clemente Rodr穩guez Est矇vez (eds.), 1514: arquitectos tardog籀ticos en la encrucijada (Seville: Editorial Universidad de Sevilla, 2016). For new graphic and documentary sources, or reappraisals of old ones, see, for example, Joan Domenge i Mesquida, Guillem Morey a la seu de Girona (1375-1397). Seguiment documental, Lambard 9 (1996): pp. 105-131; Joan Domenge i Mesquida, Le portail du mirador de la cath矇drale de Majorque: du document au monument, in Bernardi, Hartmann-Virnich and Vingtain (eds.), Texte et arch矇ologie monumentale: approches de larchitecture m矇di矇vale (Montagnac: M. Mergoil, 2005), pp. 10-26; Almuni i Balada, La Catedral de Tortosa; Bego簽a Alonso Ruiz and Alfonso Jim矇nez Mart穩n, La tra癟a de la Iglesia de Sevilla (Seville: Biblioteca autores sevillanos, 2009);Encarna Montero Tortajada, La transmisi籀n del conocimiento en los oficios art穩sticos: Valencia 1370-1450; Mar穩a Victoria Herr獺ez Ortega and Santiago Dom穩nguez S獺nchez (eds.), La actividad art穩stica en la Catedral de Toledo en 1418: el Libro de obra y f獺brica OF 761 (Le籀n: Universidad de Le籀n, Instituto de Estudios Medievales, 2017); Enrique Rabasa D穩az, Ana L籀pez Mozo and Miguel ngel Alonso Rodr穩guez (eds.), Obra congrua: Estudios sobre la construcci籀n g籀tica, elaborados con motivo del 600 aniversario de la reuni籀n de maestros convocada en 1416 para la consulta sobre la continuaci籀n de las obras de la catedral de Girona (Madrid: Instituto Juan de Herrera, 2017).
[67] John D. Hoag, Rodrigo Gil de Honta簽籀n: g籀tico y renacimiento en la arquitectura espa簽ola del siglo XVI (Madrid: Xarait, 1985); Joan Domenge i Mesquida, Guillem Sagrera, ma簾tre doeuvre se la cath矇drale de Majorque, Histoire & mesure 16: 3/4 (2001): pp. 373-403; Bego簽a Alonso Ruiz, Arquitectura tardog籀tica en Castilla: los Rasines (Santander: Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Cantabria, 2003); Arturo Zaragoz獺 Catal獺n, Mercedes G籀mez-Ferrer Lozano and Joaqu穩n B矇rchez, Pere Compte: arquitecto (Valencia: Generalitat Valenciana: Ajuntament de Val癡ncia, 2007); Juan Carlos Ruiz Souza and Antonio Garc穩a Flores, Ysambart y la renovaci籀n del g籀tico final en Castilla: Palencia, la Capilla del Contador Salda簽a en Tordesilla y Sevilla. Hip籀tesis para el debate, Anales de Historia del Arte 19 (2009): pp. 43-76; German Andreu Chiva Maroto, Francesc Baldomar. Maestro de obra de la Seo: Geometria e inspiracion biblica (PhD diss., Universitat Politecnica de Valencia, 2014). Costanza Beltrami, Juan Guas and Gothic Architecture in Late Medieval Spain: Collaborations, Networks and Geographies (unpublished PhD dissertation, Courtauld Institute of Art, 2020). On Sondergotik, see, for example, Joan Domenge i Mesquida, Santa Maria del Mar i la historiografia del gotic meridional, Barcelona quaderns dhistoria 8 (2003): pp. 179-200.
[68] Henrik Karge, Die Kathedrale von Burgos und die spanische Architektur des 13. Jahrhunderts: franz繹sische Hochgotik in Kastilien und Le籀n (Berlin: Gebr. Mann, 1989); Gema Palomo Fern獺ndez, La catedral de Cuenca en el contexto de las grandes canter穩as catedralicias castellanas en la Baja Edad Media (Cuenca: Diputaci籀n de Cuenca, 2002); Arturo Zaragoz獺 Catal獺n and Eduard Mira (eds.), Una arquitectura g籀tica mediterr獺nea (Valencia: Conselleria de Cultura i Educaci籀, Subsecretaria de Promoci籀 Cultural, 2003); Henrik Karge, La arquitectura de la catedral de Le籀n en el contexto del g籀tico europeo, in Yarza Luaces, Herr獺ez Ortega and Boto Varela (eds.), La catedral de Le籀n en la Edad Media (Leon: Universidad de Le籀n, 2004), pp. 113-144; Arturo Zaragoz獺 Catal獺n, Arquitectura g籀tica valenciana: siglos XIII-XV (Valencia: Conselleria de Cultura, 2004); James DEmilio, The Royal Convent of Las Huelgas: Dynastic Politics, Religious Reform and Artistic Change in Medieval Castile, in Lillich (ed.), Studies in Cistercian Art and Architecture (Dublin: Columba Press, 2005), pp. 189-280; Arturo Zaragoz獺 Catal獺n and Vicent Gil Vicent (eds.), Jaime I (1208-2008): arquitectura a簽o cero (Castell籀: Museu de Belles Arts de Castello, 2008); Tom Nickson, Toledo Cathedral: Building Histories in Medieval Castile (University Park, PA: Penn State University Press, 2015); Gerardo Boto Varela, Morphogenesis and Spatial Organisation of Tarragona Cathedral (11501225), in Boto Varela and Kroesen (eds.), Romanesque cathedrals in Mediterranean Europe: architecture, ritual and urban context (Turnhout: Brepols, 2016), pp. 85-105; Diana Olivares Mart穩nez and Maria Poza Yag羹e (eds.), Alfonso VIII y Leonor de Inglaterra: confluencias art穩sticas en el entorno de 1200 (Madrid: Ediciones Complutenses, 2017).
[69] See, e.g., Eduardo Carrero Santamar穩a, Las catedrales de Galicia durante la Edad Media: claustros y entorno urbano (La Coru簽a: 2005); Javier Miguel Mart穩nez de Aguirre Aldaz, El componente art穩stico de las ceremonias de coronaci籀n y exequias en tiempos de Carlos II y Carlos III de Navarra, in Ram穩rez Vaquero (ed.), Ceremonial de la coronaci籀n, unci籀n y exequias de los reyes de Inglaterra (Pamplona: Gobierno de Navarra, 2008), pp. 229-250; Eduardo Carrero Santamar穩a (ed.), Arquitectura y liturgia: el contexto art穩stico de las consuetas catedralicias en la Corona de Arag籀n (Palma, Mallorca: Objeto Perdido, 2014); Sonia Dauksis Ortol獺 (ed.), Historia de la ciudad (Valencia: Instituto para la Comunicaci籀n, Asesor穩a, 2000-2015); Eduardo Carrero Santamar穩a, La catedral habitada. Historia viva de un espacio arquitect籀nico (Barcelona: Servei de Publicacions de la Universitat Aut簷noma de Barcelona, 2019).
[70] Javier Mart穩nez de Aguirre, Arte y monarqu穩a en Navarra, 1328-1425 (Pamplona: Instituci籀n Pr穩ncipe de Viana, 1987); Francesca Espa簽ol Bertr獺n, El G簷tic Catal (Barcelona: Angle Editorial, 2002); Nickson, Toledo Cathedral.
[71] See, for example, Rafael C籀mez Ramos, Tradici籀n e Innovaci籀n Art穩stica en Castilla en el Siglo XIII, Alcanate. Revista de estudios alfons穩es 3 (2003): pp. 135-163; Domenge i Mesquida, Guillem Sagrera et lo modern de son temps; Serra Desfilis, Promotores, tradiciones e innovaci籀n.
[72] Roc穩o S獺nchez Ameijeiras, Dreams of Kings and Buildings: Visual and Literary Culture in Galicia (11571230), in DEmilio (ed.), Culture and society in medieval Galicia: A cultural crossroads at the edge of Europe (Brepols: Brill, 2015), pp. 695-764, here pp. 708-25. The author offered an extended version of this idea at the conference from which these papers derive, but unfortunately it was not possible for her to submit a paper of her own.
[73] Javier Mart穩nez de Aguirre Aldaz, Leopoldo Gil Cornet and M. Orbe Sivatte, Roncesvalles. Hospital y santuario en el Camino de Santiago (Pamplona: Fundaci籀n para la Conservaci籀n del Patrimonio Hist籀rico de Navarra, 2012), pp. 38-48.
[74] Nickson, Toledo Cathedral, pp. 81-94.
[75] Arturo Zaragoz獺 Catal獺n, Inspiraci籀n b穩blica y presencia de la antig羹edad en el episodio tardog籀tico valenciano, in Dauksis Ortol獺 and Taberner (eds.), Historia de la ciudad II: Territorio, sociedad y patrimonio (Valencia: Instituto para la Comunicaci籀n, Asesor穩a, 2000), pp. 166-183.
[76] See Francesca Espa簽ol Bertr獺n, El claustro g籀tico de la catedral de L矇rida: forma y funci籀n, in Klein (ed.), Der Mittelalterliche Kreuzgang: Architektur, Funktion und Programm (Regensburg: Schnell + Steiner, 2003), pp. 352-367.
[77] Leopoldo Torres Balb獺s, Filiaci籀n arquitect籀nica de la Catedral de Pamplona, Pr穩ncipe de Viana 7: 24 (1946): pp. 471-508, here pp. 487-502.
[78] Rabasa D穩az, L籀pez Mozo and Alonso Rodr穩guez, Obra congrua.
[79] Julio P. Polo, El Modelo hallenkirchen en Castilla, in Alonso Ruiz (ed.), La arquitectura tardog籀tica castellana entre Europa y Am矇ricaSilex, 2011), pp. 281-311. See also Bego簽a Alonsos essay in this collection.
DOI: 10.33999/2019.45